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UNITED STATES AND LATIN AMERICA
Re-launch on various fronts
Dalia González
Delgado
UPON commencing his second term in
January, Barack Obama initiated an intense period of
U.S. activity in Latin America. The President
traveled to Mexico and Costa Rica, while Vice
President Joe Biden arrived in Brazil at the end of
May, moving on to Colombia and Trinidad & Tobago, a
few days before the arrival in the latter country of
Chinese President Xi Jinping.
Biden himself described the
initiative as the most active period of high-level
contact with Latin America in a long time,
acknowledging that the Western Hemisphere has always
been important to the United States, but
particularly now, given that it has more potential
than at any other moment in its history.
In early June, the White House
welcomed Chilean President Sebastián Piñera, and on
June 10, Obama met with the Peruvian leader, Ollanta
Humala.
Obama praised the strong and
important relationship with Chile, as well as the
economic model being promoted by the Pacific
Alliance, a trade bloc founded in 2012, which
includes Chile, Colombia, Peru and Mexico, while
Costa Rica is in the process of joining.
Everything indicates that the United
States has placed its hopes in rapprochement with a
hemisphere which has distanced itself from its
imperial neighbor.
Adam Isacson, from the Washington
Office on Latin American Affairs (WOLA) told BBC
Mundo, "They are not going to be able to recover
this lost ground with new and daring aid programs
because there’s no money, so the logical step is to
increase diplomatic activity." The analyst noted
that no special ideas or programs were proposed
during Obama’s visit to Mexico. "There were no
concrete promises," he stated.
However, Harvard professor Joseph
Tulchin sees positive signals coming out of
Washington. As the U.S. academic told Granma,
"The Obama administration is trying to respond to
the Latin American nations’ new scale of
international activity."
Tulchin said, "In his speech in
Brazil, Biden emphasized the country’s leadership
and made it clear that the United States is disposed
to work with the hemisphere to solve common problems."
But despite what is perceived as
intense diplomatic activity – possibly desperate
given integrationist projects such as the Community
of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and
MERCOSUR – U.S. policy toward Cuba and Venezuela
remain unchanged.
Eric Hershberg, director of the
Latin American Studies Center at American University,
Washington, believes that his country has been
completely out of synch with governments of the
region on the issue of integration.
"Thus, it’s still very early to
predict that relations with Latin America during
Obama’s second term are going to be less sour than
they were during his first term."
Professor Ernesto Domínguez at the
Center of Hemispheric and United States Studies at
the University of Havana, agrees. He sees an evident
re-launch of U.S. policy toward Latin America on
various fronts. "Hence the search for a
rapprochement with Brazil, the largest power in the
region; and also with others, such as Colombia,
Chile and Peru."
"The policy of the Trans-Pacific
Alliance has to be placed in the geo-strategic,
geopolitical and historical perspective of U.S.
interests in the Pacific, an area which has been its
priority since the 19th century, and more so now
with the growth of the Chinese economy and in
general, that of all of Eastern and Southeastern
Asia," Domínguez affirmed to Granma.
"When you put everything in the
balance and add the tendency to the use of soft
power, you have a nice picture of a policy directed
at reversing left-wing processes in Latin America,
reinsuring the region for the United States,
consolidating positions in the Pacific and, in
summary, consolidating its domination and recovering
its hegemony."
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