ADDRESS BY ESTEBAN LAZO HERNANDEZ, VICE-PRESIDENT
OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA, FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL
SUMMIT "SOVEREIGNTY AND FOOD SECURITY: FOOD FOR LIFE", HELD ON
WEDNESDAY, MAY 7TH, 2008, IN MANAGUA, NICARAGUA.
Esteemed Comandante Daniel Ortega, President of Nicaragua,
Distinguished presidents and high representatives,
The facts speak clearly for themselves. In 2005, we used to pay 250
dollars for every ton of rice we imported; now we pay 1,050 dollars,
four times as much. For a ton of wheat, we used to pay 132 dollars;
now we pay 330 dollars, two and a half times as much. For a ton of
corn, we used to pay 82 dollars; now we pay 230 dollars, nearly three
times as much. For a ton of powdered milk, we used to pay 2,200
dollars; now it's 4,800 dollars. This is a perverse and unsustainable
trend.
This phenomenon undermines the internal markets of most countries
in our region and around the world, affecting the population directly,
particularly the poorest sectors, bringing poverty to millions of
people. A few decades ago, there were countries that grew their own
rice and corn. But, following the neo-liberal recipes of the IMF, they
liberalized the market and began to import subsidized US and European
cereals, eradicating domestic production. With the rise in prices at
the pace we've mentioned, a growing number of people can no longer
afford to eat these basic food products. It comes as no surprise, thus,
that they should resort to protests, that they should take to the
streets to find whatever means they can to feed their children.
As Fidel underscored in 1996 during the World Food Summit, "hunger,
the inseparable companion of the poor, is born of the unequal
distribution of riches and of the world's injustices. The rich do not
know hunger". "Millions of people around the world have perished in
their struggle against hunger and injustice".
The food crisis we face today is exacerbated by high oil prices and
by the impact that the military adventure in Iraq has upon these; by
the effect these prices have on the production and transportation of
food; by climate change; by the fact that significant volumes of US
and EU-grown grains and cereals are destined, more and more, to the
production of biofuels and by the speculative practices surrounding
transnational big capital, which gambles with food inventories at the
cost of hunger for the poor.
But the essence of the crisis is not to be found in these recent
phenomena; it lies, rather, in the unequal and unfair distribution of
riches at the global level and in the unsustainable neo-liberal
economic model that has been imposed upon us in an irresponsible and
fanatical fashion over the course of the last twenty years.
Poor countries, dependent on food imports, are in no condition to
take the blow. Their populations have no protection whatsoever and the
market, needless to say, has neither the capacity nor the sense of
responsibility to offer such protection. This is not a strictly
economic problem. It is a humanitarian drama of incalculable
consequences which even places our countries' very national security
at risk.
To attribute the crisis to increased consumption by important
sectors in certain developing countries that report accelerated
economic growth, such as China and India, is not only an unfounded
argument, it also conveys a racist and discriminatory message, which
portrays as a problem the fact that millions of human beings should
have access, for the first time, to decent and healthy food.
The problem, as it manifests itself in our region, is, in essence,
linked to the precarious situation of small farmers and rural
populations living in underdeveloped countries, and to the
oligopolistic nature of the large transnational companies that control
the agricultural food industry.
These companies control prices, technologies, norms, certifications,
distribution channels and sources of funding for world food production.
They also control transportation, scientific research, genetic pools
and the fertilizer and pesticide industries. Their governments, in
Europe, North America and other parts of the world, set down the
international norms that govern trade in food, technologies and the
supplies needed to produce these.
Agricultural subsidies in the United States and the European Union
not only make the food these countries sell more expensive, they also
constitute a fundamental obstacle for developing countries seeking to
access their markets with their products, something which has a direct
impact on the situation of agriculture and producers in the South.
This is a structural problem generated by today's international
economic order, not a passing crisis that can be alleviated with
palliative or emergency measures. The World Bank's recent promises to
destine 500 million devalued dollars as an emergency measure to
alleviate the crisis are ridiculous and an insult to our intelligence.
To strike at the very heart and at the causes of the dilemma, we
must examine and change the written and unwritten rules, both agreed
to and imposed upon us, that today govern the international economic
order and the creation and distribution of wealth, particularly in the
food production and distribution sector.
Today, the truly decisive move is to undertake a profound,
structural change of the current international economic and political
order, an order which is anti-democratic, unjust, exclusive and
unsustainable. An order which is predatory, as a result of which, as
Fidel said twelve years ago, "waters are contaminated, the atmosphere
is poisoned and nature is destroyed. It is not only the fact that
investments, education and technologies are lacking or the population
is growing at an accelerated pace; the environment is being degraded
and the future is menaced more and more every day".
Having said this, we agree that international cooperation, as a
means of confronting this time of crisis, can no longer be postponed.
We need emergency measures to quickly alleviate the situation of those
countries which already face social turmoil. In the middle term, we
must also give impetus to cooperation and exchange plans that entail
joint investments and accelerate agricultural production and food
distribution in our region, through the firm commitment and resolute
participation of the State. Cuba is willing to modestly contribute to
efforts of this nature.
The program brought to us today by comrade Daniel, a call to join
forces and wills and to combine the resources of ALBA members and
countries in Central America and the Caribbean, is worthy of our
support. It presupposes the clear understanding that the current food
crises the world faces is not an opportunity, as some believe, but a
very dangerous crisis. It entails the express recognition that our
efforts must be aimed at defending everyone's right to food and at
securing a decent life for the millions of peasant families that have
been plundered to this day, not at availing ourselves of the occasion
to pursue corporate interests or petty commercial opportunities.
We have debated on the matter extensively. Now, it is time to act
with unity, audacity, solidarity and a practical spirit. If this is
our common goal, you can rely on Cuba.
Allow me to conclude with the farsighted words Fidel pronounced in
1996, which reverberate today with undiminished pertinence and
profundity: "The bells that toll today for those who starve to death
each day shall toll tomorrow for the whole of humanity if it refuses
to or is unable to be sufficiently wise to save itself".
Thank you very much.