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Reflections of
Fidel
Chávez, Evo and Obama
Part 1
(Taken from
CubaDebate)
I am halting the tasks which have
been totally occupying my time recently to dedicate
some words to the singular opportunity presented to
political science by the 60th Session of the United
Nations General Assembly.
The annual event demands a singular
effort on the part of those holding the highest
political responsibilities in many countries. For
them, it constitutes a difficult test; for the
aficionados of this art, more than a few given that
it vitally affects everyone, it is hard to resist
the temptation to observe the interminable but
instructive spectacle.
In the first place, there exists an
infinity of thorny issues and conflicts of interest.
For a large number of participants, it is necessary
to take a position on events which constitute
flagrant violations of principles. For example: what
position to adopt on the NATO genocide in Libya? Do
some persons wish to place on record that under
their leadership the government of their country
supported the monstrous crime perpetrated by the
United States and its NATO allies, whose
sophisticated fighter planes, piloted or
non-piloted, executed more than 20,000 attack
missions on a small Third World state of barely six
million inhabitants, alleging the same reasons as
those previously used to attack and invade Serbia,
Iraq, Afghanistan and which are now threatening to
do so in Syria or any other country in the world?
Was it not precisely the government
of the UN host state which ordered the butchery in
Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, the mercenary Bay of
Pigs attack on Cuba, the invasion of the Dominican
Republic, the "dirty war" in Nicaragua, the
occupation of Grenada and Panama by the U.S.
military forces and the massacre of Panamanians in
El Chorillo? Who promoted the military coups and
genocide in Chile, Argentina and Uruguay, which
resulted in tens of thousands of dead and
disappeared? I am not talking about things which
happened 500 years ago, when the Spaniards initiated
genocide in the Americas, or 200 years ago, when the
yankees exterminated native Indians in the United
States or enslaved Africans, in spite of "all men
are created equal," as stated in the Declaration of
Philadelphia. I am talking about acts that have
taken place in recent decades and which are taking
place today.
These acts must be recalled and
reiterated when an event of the importance and
prominence of the meeting underway in the United
Nations takes place, and where the political
integrity and ethics of governments is put to the
test.
Many of them represent small and
poor countries in need of support and international
cooperation, technology, markets and credits, which
the developed capitalist powers have manipulated as
they please.
Despite the shameless monopoly of
the news media and the fascist methods used by the
United States and its allies to confuse and deceive
world opinion, the resistance of the peoples is
growing, and this can be appreciated in the debates
taking place in the United Nations.
More than a few Third World leaders,
in spite of the obstacles and contradictions
indicated, have expressed their ideas with courage.
The very voices emanating from the governments of
Latin America and the Caribbean no longer contain
the servile and embarrassing accent of the OAS,
which characterized pronouncements of heads of state
in past decades. Two of them have addressed this
forum; both of them, Bolivarian President Hugo
Chávez, a mix of the races which comprise the people
of Venezuela, and Evo Morales, of pure millenary
indigenous origin, stated their ideas in the
meeting, one in a message and the other directly, in
response to the speech of the yankee President.
Telesur broadcast the three
speeches. Thanks to the network, in the night of
Tuesday the 20th we heard President Chávez’ message,
read carefully by Walter Martínez during his
"Dossier" program. As head of state of the UN host
nation, Obama gave his speech on Wednesday morning
and Evo gave his during the early hours of the
afternoon of the same day. For the sake of brevity I
will take essential paragraphs from each text.
Chávez was unable to attend the
United Nations Summit in person, after 12 years of
untiring struggle without resting for a single day,
which placed his life at risk and affected his
health, and who is now fighting selflessly for his
full recovery. However, his message could not but
approach the most decisive issue of the historical
meeting. I transcribe it virtually in full:
"I address these words to the
General Assembly of the United Nations Organization
[…] to confirm, on this day and in this forum,
Venezuela’s total support of Palestinian statehood:
the right of Palestine to become a free, sovereign
and independent country. It is an act of historical
justice to a people who have carried within
themselves, always, all the pain and suffering of
the world.
"The great French philosopher Gilles
Deleuze […] states with the tone of truth: ‘The
Palestinian cause is above all the compound of
injustices which this people has endured and
continues to endure.’ And it is also, I dare to add,
a constant and unyielding will of resistance which
is already written in the heroic memory of the human
condition. […] Mahmoud Darwish, the infinite voice
of the potential Palestine, speaks to us from the
sentiment of the awareness of this love: ‘We do not
need the memory/because Mount Carmel is within us/
and the grass of Galilee is on our eyelids/ Don’t
say: let us run to my country like the river! /
Don’t say it! / Because we are in the flesh of our
country/ and she is in us.’
"Against those who fallaciously
maintain that what has happened to the Palestinian
people is not genocide, Deleuze argues with
implacable lucidity, ‘In all cases there is an
attempt to act as if the Palestinian people not only
should not exist, but have never existed. It is, in
other words, the degree zero of genocide: to decree
that a people do not exist; to deny them the right
to existence.’"
"[…] the resolution of the conflict
in the Middle East must of necessity move through
doing justice to the Palestinian people; this is the
only way of winning the peace.
"It pains and angers us that those
who suffered one of the worst genocides in history
have become the hangmen of the Palestinian people;
it pains and angers us that the inheritance of the
Holocaust is the Nakba. And it angers us, bluntly,
that Zionism continues to utilize the accusation of
anti-semitism against those who oppose its outrages
and its crimes. Israel has exploited and is
exploiting, blatantly and vilely, the memory of the
victims. And it is doing so to act, with total
impunity, against Palestine. In passing, it is worth
noting that anti-Semitism is a Western, European
misfortune, in which Arabs do not participate. Let
us not forget, moreover, that it is the Palestinian
Semite people who are suffering the ethnic cleansing
being practiced by the colonial Israeli state."
"[…] It is one thing to reject
anti-Semitism, and it is a very different thing to
passively accept that Zionist barbarity is imposing
an apartheid regime upon the Palestinian people.
From an ethical point of view, whoever rejects the
former, has to condemn the latter."
"[…] Zionism, as a view of the
world, is absolutely racist. In their terrifying
cynicism, the words of Golda Meir are irrefutable
evidence of that: ‘How are we going to return the
occupied territories? There is nobody to return them
to. There is no such thing as Palestinians. It was
not, as is thought, that a people called Palestinian
existed, that considers itself as Palestinian, and
that we arrived, threw them out and took their
country from them. They did not exist.’"
"Read and reread the document
historically known as the Balfour Declaration of
1917: the British government assumed the legal
authority of promising the Jews a national home in
Palestine, deliberately ignoring the presence and
will of its inhabitants. It should be noted that for
centuries, Christians and Muslims lived together in
peace in the Holy Land, until Zionism began to claim
it as its entire and exclusive property."
"At the end of World War II, the
tragedy of the Palestinian people was exacerbated,
consummated by their expulsion from their territory
and, at the same time, from history. In 1947, the
ominous and illegal United Nations Resolution 181
recommended the partition of Palestine into a Jewish
state, an Arab state and a zone under international
control (Jerusalem and Bethlehem).
[…] 56% of the territory was granted
to Zionism for the constitution of its state. In
fact, this resolution was in violation of
international law and flagrantly ignored the will of
the large Arab majorities: the right to
self-determination of the peoples became a dead
letter."
"[…] as opposed to what Israel and
the United States would have the world believe via
the communication transnationals, what took place
and is still taking place in Palestine, let us say
it with [Edward] Said, is not a religious conflict:
it is a political conflict, of a colonial and
imperialist stamp; it is not a millenary but a
contemporary conflict; it is not a conflict that was
born in the Middle East but in Europe.
"What was and what continues to be
the crux of the conflict? The discussion and
consideration of Israel’s security, but not in any
way that of Palestine. This can be confirmed by
recent history: suffice it to recall the latest
genocidal episode unleashed by Israel with Operation
Cast Lead in Gaza.
"The security of Palestine cannot be
reduced to the simple recognition of limited
self-government and police control in its enclaves
of the West Bank of the Jordan Rover and in the Gaza
Strip, leaving aside not only the creation of the
Palestine state based on pre-1967 borders and with
East Jerusalem as its capital, the rights of its
nationals and their self-determination as a people,
but also compensation and the consequent return to
the homeland of 50% of the Palestinian population
dispersed throughout the entire world, as
established in Resolution 194.
"It is incredible that a country
(Israel), which owes its existence to a General
Assembly resolution, can be so disdainful of
resolutions emanating from the United Nations,
denounced Father Miguel D’Escoto, calling for an end
to the massacre of the people of Gaza at the end of
2008 and beginning of 2009."
"It is impossible to ignore the
crisis of the United Nations. Before this same
General Assembly in 2005 we sustained that the
United Nations model had been exhausted. The fact
that the debate on the Palestinian question has been
postponed and that it is being overtly sabotaged, is
yet another confirmation of this.
"For a number of days now Washington
has been stating that it will veto in the Security
Council what will be the majority resolution of the
General Assembly: the recognition of Palestine as a
full member of the UN. Together with the sister
nations which comprise the Bolivarian Alliance for
the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), in the statement
of recognition of Palestinian statehood, we have
already deplored the fact that such a just
aspiration could be blockaded in this way. As we
know, the empire, in this and in other cases, is
trying to impose a double standard on the world
stage: it is the yankee double standard which
violates international law in Libya, but allows
Israel to do what it wants, thus making itself the
principal accomplice of Palestinian genocide at the
hands of Zionist barbarity. Let us recall some words
of Said, which hit the nail on the head: ‘Due to
Israeli interests in the United States, the policy
of this country in terms of the Middle East is,
therefore, Israeli-centric.’"
"I want to end with the voice of
Mahmoud Darwish in his memorable poem:
‘On this earth there is something
worth living for: on this earth is the lady of the
earth, the mother of beginnings/the mother of ends.
She was called Palestine. She is still called
Palestine. / Lady: I deserve to live, because you
are my lady, I deserve to live.’"
"She will continue to be called
Palestine: Palestine will live and will win! Long
life to free, sovereign and independent Palestine!
"Hugo Chávez Frías.
"President of the Bolivarian
Republic of Venezuela."
When the meeting began the following
morning, his words were already present in the
hearts and minds of those assembled there.
The Bolivarian leader has never been
an enemy of the Jewish people. A man of particular
sensitivity, he profoundly detests the brutal crimes
committed by the Nazis against children, women and
men, young and old alike in the concentration camps
where Gypsies were also victims of atrocious crimes
and an extermination attempt, which no one, however,
remembers or mentions. Thousands of Russians
likewise perished in those camps, as an inferior
race within the Nazi racial framework.
When Chávez returned to his country
from Cuba, the evening of Thursday, September 22, he
spoke indignantly of Barack Obama's speech at the
United Nations. Very rarely have I heard him speak
with such vehemence about the leader whom he has
treated with the utmost respect, given his history
as a victim of racial discrimination in the United
States. He never considered Obama capable of
behaving as George Bush had and appreciatively
preserved the memory of the words they had exchanged
when they met in Trinidad and Tobago.
"Yesterday we were listening to an
assortment of speeches, the day before yesterday as
well, there in the United Nations, precise speeches
such as that of President Dilma Rousseff; a speech
of great moral value such as that of President Evo
Morales; a speech which we could describe as a
monument to cynicism, the speech of President Obama
which his own face betrayed, his own face was a
poem; a man calling for peace, just imagine. Obama
calling for peace. With what moral authority? An
historic monument to cynicism, the speech of
President Obama.
"We were listening to precise
speeches, clarifying ones, that of President Lugo,
that of the President of Argentina, taking valiant
positions before the world."
When the New York meeting began on
the morning of Wednesday, September 21 – after the
comments by the President of Brazil opening the
discussion and the introduction de rigueur – the
President of the United States took the podium and
began his speech.
He began, "Over nearly seven
decades, even as the United Nations helped avert a
third world war, we still live in a world scarred by
conflict and plagued by poverty. Even as we proclaim
our love for peace and our hatred of war, there are
still convulsions in our world that endanger us
all."
It is not clear at what point the UN
may have prevented the outbreak of a World War III.
"I took office at a time of two wars
for the United States. Moreover, the violent
extremists who drew us into war in the first place –
Osama bin Laden, and his al Qaeda organization –
remained at large. Today, we have set a new
direction.
At the end of this year, America's
military operation in Iraq will be over. We will
have a normal relationship with a sovereign nation
that is a member of the community of nations. That
equal partnership will be strengthened by our
support for Iraq – for its government and Security
Forces; for its people and their aspirations."
What country is Obama really talking
about?
"As we end the war in Iraq, the
United States and our coalition partners have begun
a transition in Afghanistan. Between now and 2014,
an increasingly capable Afghan government and
security forces will step forward to take
responsibility for the future of their country. As
they do, we are drawing down our own forces, while
building an enduring partnership with the Afghan
people. So let there be no doubt: The tide of war is
receding.
"When I took office, roughly 180,000
Americans were serving in Iraq and Afghanistan. By
the end of this year, that number will be cut in
half, and it will continue to decline. This is
critical for the sovereignty of Iraq and
Afghanistan. It’s also critical to the strength of
the United States as we build our nation at home.
Ten years ago, there was an open wound and twisted
steel, a broken heart in the center of this city.
Today, as a new tower is rising at Ground Zero, it
symbolizes New York’s renewal, even as al Qaeda is
under more pressure than ever before. Its leadership
has been degraded. And Osama bin Laden, a man who
murdered thousands of people from dozens of
countries, will never endanger the peace of the
world again."
Who was Bin Laden's ally? Who
trained him and armed him to fight the Soviets in
Afghanistan? It wasn't the socialists, or
revolutionaries from anyplace in the world.
"So, yes, this has been a difficult
decade. But today, we stand at a crossroads of
history with the chance to move decisively in the
direction of peace. To do so, we must return to the
wisdom of those who created this institution. The
United Nations’ Founding Charter calls upon us, ‘to
unite our strength to maintain international peace
and security.’"
Who has military bases all over the
world? Who is the largest exporter of weapons? Who
has thousands of spy satellites? Who invests more
than one billion dollars a year in military
spending.
"This year has been a time of
extraordinary transformation. More nations have
stepped forward to maintain international peace and
security. And more individuals are claiming their
universal right to live in freedom and dignity."
He then cites the situations in
South Sudan and Ivory Coast. He doesn't say that in
the first instance, U.S. transnationals have
descended upon the oil reserves of this new country,
whose president in this very UN General Assembly
said that it was a valuable, but finite, resource
which he plans to use rationally and optimally.
Nor did Obama indicate that peace
was established in the Ivory Coast with the support
of colonialist soldiers from an eminent member of
the bellicose NATO alliance which has just dropped
thousands of bombs on Libya.
A bit later he mentions Tunisia and
takes credit for the popular movement which
overthrew the government in that country, which was
an ally of imperialism.
Even more astonishingly, Obama fails
to acknowledge that the Untied States was
responsible for the installation of the tyrannical,
corrupt government in Egypt of Hosni Mubarak who,
absconding with the principles of Nasser, allied
himself with the imperialists, stole billions from
his country and tyrannized his valiant people.
"One year ago," Obama said, "Egypt
had known one President for nearly 30 years. But for
18 days, the eyes of the world were glued to Tahrir
Square, where Egyptians from all walks of life — men
and women, young and old, Muslim and Christian —
demanded their universal rights. We saw in those
protesters the moral force of non-violence that has
lit the world from Delhi to Warsaw, from Selma to
South Africa — and we knew that change had come to
Egypt and to the Arab world.
"Day after day, in the face of
bullets and bombs, the Libyan people refused to give
back that freedom. And when they were threatened by
the kind of mass atrocity that often went
unchallenged in the last century, the United Nations
lived up to its charter. The Security Council
authorized all necessary measures to prevent a
massacre. The Arab League called for this effort;
Arab nations joined a NATO-led coalition that halted
Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks.
"Yesterday, the leaders of a new
Libya took their rightful place beside us, and this
week, the United States is reopening our embassy in
Tripoli.
"This is how the international
community is supposed to work — nations standing
together for the sake of peace and security, and
individuals claiming their rights.
"All of us have a responsibility to
support the new Libya — the new Libyan government as
they confront the challenge of turning this moment
of promise into a just and lasting peace for all
Libyans.
"The Qaddafi regime is over. Gbagbo,
Ben Ali, Mubarak are no longer in power. Osama bin
Laden is gone, and the idea that change could only
come through violence has been buried with him."
Notice the poetic language with
which Obama dispatches the subject of Bin Laden,
despite whatever the responsibility this one-time
ally might have been, shot in the face before his
wife and children, his body thrown into the ocean
from an aircraft carrier, ignoring the customs and
religious traditions of more than a billion
believers, as well as elementary principles
recognized by all legal systems. These are not
methods which are, or will ever be, conducive to
peace
"Something is happening in our world.
The way things have been is not the way that they
will be. The humiliating grip of corruption and
tyranny is being pried open. Dictators are on notice.
Technology is putting power into the hands of the
people. The youth are delivering a powerful rebuke
to dictatorship, and rejecting the lie that some
races, some peoples, some religions, some
ethnicities do not desire democracy.
"The promise written down on paper –
‘all human beings are born free and equal in dignity
and rights' – is closer at hand. The measure of our
success must be whether people can live in sustained
freedom, dignity, and security. And the United
Nations and its member states must do their part to
support those basic aspirations. And we have more
work to do."
He immediately takes up another
Islamic country where, as is well known, his
intelligence services along with those of Israel,
systematically assassinate the most outstanding
scientists involved in military technology.
Next he threatens Syria, where U.S.
belligerency could lead to a massacre even more
frightening than that of Libya.
"As we meet here today, men and
women and children are being tortured, detained and
murdered by the Syrian regime. Thousands have been
killed, many during the holy time of Ramadan. Thousands
more have poured across Syria’s borders.
"The Syrian people have shown dignity and courage in
their pursuit of justice — protesting peacefully,
standing silently in the streets, dying for the same
values that this institution is supposed to stand
for. And the question for us is clear: Will we stand
with the Syrian people, or with their oppressors?
The United States has imposed strong sanctions on
Syria’s leaders. We supported a transfer of power
that is responsive to the Syrian people. And many of
our allies have joined in this effort. But for the
sake of Syria — and the peace and security of the
world — we must speak with one voice. There’s no
excuse for inaction. Now is the time for the United
Nations Security Council to sanction the Syrian
regime, and to stand with the Syrian people."
Has, by chance, any country been
exempted from the belligerent threats of this
illustrious defender of international security and
peace? Who granted the United States such
prerogatives?
"Throughout the region, we will have
to respond to the calls for change. In Yemen, men,
women and children gather by the thousands in towns
and city squares every day with the hope that their
determination and spilled blood will prevail over a
corrupt system. America supports those aspirations.
We must work with Yemen’s neighbors and our partners
around the world to seek a path that allows for a
peaceful transition of power from President Saleh,
and a movement to free and fair elections as soon as
possible.
"In Bahrain, steps have been taken
toward reform and accountability. We’re pleased with
that, but more is required. America is a close
friend of Bahrain, and we will continue to call on
the government and the main opposition bloc — the
Wifaq — to pursue a meaningful dialogue that brings
peaceful change that is responsive to the people. We
believe the patriotism that binds Bahrainis together
must be more powerful than the sectarian forces that
would tear them apart. It will be hard, but it is
possible."
He does not mention at all that one of the region's
largest military bases is located there and that U.S.
transnationals control and access at will the vast
oil and gas reserves of Saudi Arabia and the United
Arab Emirates.
"We believe that each nation must
chart its own course to fulfil the aspirations of
its people, and America does not expect to agree
with every party or person who expresses themselves
politically. But we will always stand up for the
universal rights that were embraced by this Assembly. Those
rights depend on elections that are free and fair;
on governance that is transparent and accountable;
respect for the rights of women and minorities;
justice that is equal and fair. That is what our
people deserve. Those are the elements of peace that
can last.
"Moreover, the United States will
continue to support those nations that transition to
democracy — with greater trade and investment — so
that freedom is followed by opportunity. We will
pursue a deeper engagement with governments, but
also with civil society — students and entrepreneurs,
political parties and the press.
"We have banned those who abuse
human rights from traveling to our country. And
we’ve sanctioned those who trample on human rights
abroad. And we will always serve as a voice for
those who’ve been silenced."
After this extended lecture, the
eminent Nobel Prize winner delves into the thorny
issue of his alliance with Israel which, of course,
is not among the privileged owners of advanced
systems of nuclear weapons and the means to reach
distant targets. He knows perfectly well how
arbitrary and unpopular this policy is.
"I know, particularly this week,
that for many in this hall, there’s one issue that
stands as a test for these principles and a test for
American foreign policy, and that is the conflict
between the Israelis and the Palestinians. One year
ago, I stood at this podium and I called for an
independent Palestine. I believed then, and I
believe now, that the Palestinian people deserve a
state of their own. But what I also said is that a
genuine peace can only be realized between the
Israelis and the Palestinians themselves. One year
later, despite extensive efforts by America and
others, the parties have not bridged their
differences. Faced with this stalemate, I put
forward a new basis for negotiations in May of this
year. That basis is clear. It’s well known to all of
us here. Israelis must know that any agreement
provides assurances for their security. Palestinians
deserve to know the territorial basis of their state.
Now, I know that many are frustrated by the lack of
progress. I assure you, so am I. But the question
isn’t the goal that we seek - the question is how do
we reach that goal."
He then launches into a long lecture
explaining and justifying the inexplicable and
unjustifiable.
"Peace is hard work. Peace will not
come through statements and resolutions at the
United Nations — if it were that easy, it would have
been accomplished by now. Ultimately, it is
the Israelis and the Palestinians who must live side
by side. Ultimately, it is the Israelis and the
Palestinians — not us –- who must reach agreement on
the issues that divide them: on borders and on
security, on refugees and Jerusalem. Ultimately,
peace depends upon compromise among people who must
live together long after our speeches are over, long
after our votes have been tallied.
"There’s no question that the Palestinians have seen
that vision delayed for too long. It is precisely
because we believe so strongly in the aspirations of
the Palestinian people that America has invested so
much time and so much effort in the building of a
Palestinian state, and the negotiations that can
deliver a Palestinian state. But understand this as
well: America’s commitment to Israel’s security is
unshakeable. Our friendship with Israel is deep and
enduring. "The Jewish people have forged a
successful state in their historic homeland. Israel
deserves recognition. It deserves normal relations
with its neighbors. And friends of the Palestinians
do them no favors by ignoring this truth…
"Each side has legitimate
aspirations — and that’s part of what makes peace so
hard. And the deadlock will only be broken when each
side learns to stand in the other’s shoes; each side
can see the world through the other’s eyes. That’s
what we should be encouraging. That’s what we should
be promoting."
In the meantime, the Palestinians
remain exiled in their own land, their homes are
destroyed by monstrous machines and a hateful wall,
much higher than the one in Berlin, separates some
Palestinians from others. The least Obama could have
done was acknowledge that Israel's own citizens are
tired of the squandering of resources invested in
the military, denying them peace and access to the
basic means of life. Like the Palestinians, they are
suffering the consequences of policies imposed by
the United States and the most bellicose,
reactionary sectors of the Zionist state.
"Even as we confront these
challenges of conflict and revolution, we must also
recognize – we must also remind ourselves – that
peace is not just the absence of war. True peace
depends on creating the opportunity that makes life
worth living. And to do that, we must confront the
common enemies of humanity: nuclear weapons and
poverty, ignorance and disease."
Who understands this gibberish from
the President of the United States before the
General Assembly?
He immediately thereafter presents
an unintelligible philosophy:
"To lift the specter of mass
destruction, we must come together to pursue the
peace and security of a world without nuclear
weapons. Over the last two years, we’ve begun to
walk down that path. Since our Nuclear Security
Summit in Washington nearly 50 nations have taken
steps to secure nuclear materials from terrorists
and smugglers."
Is there greater terrorism than the
aggressive, bellicose policy of a country with an
arsenal of nuclear weapons which could destroy human
life on the planet several times over?
"America will continue to work for a
ban on the testing of nuclear weapons and the
production of fissile material needed to make them,"
Obama continued promising us, "and so we have begun
to move in the right direction.
"And the United States is committed
to meeting our obligations. But even as we meet our
obligations, we’ve strengthened the treaties and
institutions that help stop the spread of these
weapons. And to do so, we must continue to hold
accountable those nations that flout them. … The
Iranian government cannot demonstrate that its
program is peaceful."
He's back to the upbraiding. This
time, Iran is not alone, the Democratic Republic of
Korea is included.
"North Korea has yet to take
concrete steps towards abandoning its weapons and
continues belligerent action against the South. There’s
a future of greater opportunity for the people of
these nations if their governments meet their
international obligations. But if they
continue down a path that is outside international
law, they must be met with greater pressure and
isolation. That is what our commitment to peace and
security demands."
I will continue tomorrow.

Fidel Castro Ruz
September 25, 2011
7:36 p.m.
Translated by Granma International
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