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Nestor
Baguer
Who
believes in the myth
of independent journalism?
BY
PEDRO DE LA HOZ—Granma daily staff writer—
"JOURNALISM?
Independent? Listen, it’s neither one thing nor
the other. That is an untenable story." There’s
not the slightest shadow of a doubt in the mind of
Néstor Baguer, an old colleague whom Juventud
Rebelde readers from the 1980s will remember for
his column "En defensa del idioma."

Néstor
Baguer narrates
his experiences as an
‘independent’ journalist.

‘Independent
journalists’
workshop installed in the
U.S. Interests Section. |
And no
one knows this fact better than he does. An
undercover agent for the State Security Forces since
1960, and now 81 years old, he was the given the
mission of taking the initiative in this area at the
beginning of the 1990s. This was prompted by a
notorious counterrevolutionary ringleader suggesting
to him the possibility of stimulating the flow of
tendentious information to the U.S. media,
particularly to the radio station that insultingly
adopts the name of José Martí and the lucrative
anti-Castro industry located in Florida.
"This
man spoke with me," Baguer recounts in great
detail, "one day when I dropped in on him at
home to discover for myself the inner sanctum of the
"human rights" activists. I went under the
pretext of eating and drinking the copious
provisions he was supplied with by a European
diplomat aligned to U.S. political subversion. News
of the founding of the Association of Independent
Cuban Journalists had barely been spread when the
first volunteers began to appear."
Were
they journalists?
Look,
that is one of the many myths that permeate the
history of the so-called internal opposition.
Including myself, just about five of them were
journalists. The rest of them were upstarts, many of
them without the slightest cultural training. I even
knew of the case of one of them who spoke, if it
could be described as such, with grammatical errors.
Were
they independent?
We
both know than any serious analysis — which those
proclaiming alleged freedom of expression are not
capable of — has to take into account that there
is not one press organ anywhere in the world that
doesn’t take sides, whether for ideas or for
commercial imperatives. They know that if a
journalist strays too far from the editorial line of
the owners, they’re out of the game; they have to
leave and take their ideas somewhere else. But in
this case, the dependency is obvious. Dependency,
subordination, and genuflection to U.S. political
interests or influential people in Miami, it’s the
same thing: everything’s like that. In my
testimony to the judges, I told of how the U.S.
Interests Section, as much to me as to other
agencies and groups, advised us on the subject
matter. And I’ll tell you something else: I know
that before sending their articles abroad, many of
them consulted down to the smallest details of their
work.
Why
were there so many agencies?
When
certain unscrupulous people see an opportunity to
make easy money or the chance of finding a way to
leave the country, they go crazy. Anyone can start
up an agency and they just mushroomed.
With
so much money flying around, was there corruption?
Of
course there was. Both inside and outside. They
stabbed each other in the back. One lady in
southwest Miami who invented the Cubanet website
began to receive the information we were sending her
from a telephone in her kitchen. In less than two
years, she’d moved into a chic neighborhood, with
a beautiful apartment and another she used as an
office. And she wangled a $90,000 car for herself.
Who
was putting up the money?
It
almost always came from The National Endowment for
Democracy. The losses started from there on down.
And
your relationship with the U.S. Interests Section?
One of
absolute trust. I had a permanent entry pass. I
became very close to the bosses of the Interests
Section and those in the Press and Culture
department. The most aggressive of all of them is
James Cason. He thinks he’s a proconsul, an
emperor. Another one who’s just as bad is the
current head of the Press and Culture Department,
Gonzalo Gallegos who, in his heart of hearts, doesn’t
want to be Hispanic; they both despise us.
Do
you think that these trials against individuals who
moving in the orbit of the Interests Section
are directed against the Cuban intelligentsia and
Cuban ideas?
These
people have nothing to do with Cuban ideas and
culture. I already said so during the trials: they
are mercenaries. They’ll do anything and say
whatever foolish thing for money. One sad case is
that of Raúl Rivero because he really was a
journalist and a very talented poet. But he was
morally bankrupt and lowered himself to the level of
the others. What I feel most proud of is that I have
contributed something to the preservation of my
homeland’s culture. Because what they have tried
to do through their subversive activities is to
supplant our culture, and culminate the long-held
U.S. annexationist plan of taking over Cuba.
What
will become of Néstor Baguer’s life now that his
years of hard work defending our nation’s security
have been revealed?
I’ll
carry on writing, now that I’m free from the ties
of my underground work. I’ve already started to
write a book that will be called Octavio, my
memoirs of working underground. And I’ll see if I
can publish a selection of poems by Gustavo Sánchez
Galarraga, an uncle of mine who was a legendary
figure in Cuban bohemian circles.
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