We will never give
in to coercion
from any country or group of nations no matter how
powerful they are
•
Speech given by General of the Army
Raúl Castro Ruz, president of the Councils of State
and Ministers and second secretary of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba at the
closing session of the 9th congress of the Union of
Young Communists, Havana, April 4, 2010, Year 52 of
the Revolution
Delegates and Guests,
Compañeros:
We have had a good Congress, which really began
last October with the open meetings attended by
hundreds of thousand of youths and continued with
the evaluation meetings of the grass roots
organizations and municipal and provincial
committees, during which the agreements adopted in
these final sessions were shaped.
If there is anything we have had plenty of over
the past five years since Fidel made the closing
speech at the 8th UJC Congress, on December 5, 2004,
it has been work and challenges.
This Congress has occurred in the midst of one of
the most vicious and focused media campaigns
launched against the Cuban Revolution in its 50
years, an issue I will refer to later on.
Although I was unable to attend the meetings held
prior to the Congress, I have been informed of the
essential points that came out of each one of them.
I am aware that there was little talk of
achievements in order to focus on problems, looking
inward and using only the time necessary to examine
external factors. This is the method that should
permanently characterize the work of the UJC in
contrast to those that tend to look for the mote in
the neighbor’s eye instead of undertaking the work
that corresponds to them.
It has been rewarding to listen to many young
people who are directly linked to productive
activities proudly explain, in simple words, what
they do, barely mentioning the material difficulties
and bureaucratic obstacles they have to face.
Many of the shortcomings discussed here are not
new; they have been facing the organization for
quite a long time. Previous congresses adopted
corresponding agreements; however, they have more or
less been repeated, which is proof of the lack of a
systematic and thorough control in their fulfillment.
In this context, it is fair and necessary to
repeat something reiterated by compañeros Machado
and Lazo, who have chaired many of the assemblies:
the Party feels equally responsible for every flaw
in the work of the UJC, particularly for the
problems concerning the cadre policy.
We cannot permit that documents approved should
turn into dead letters or get shelved like memoirs.
They should become the guide for the everyday work
of the National Bureau and for every member of the
organization. You have already agreed on the basics,
now you should act on them.
Some people are very critical of the youth of
today while forgetting that they were once young
too. It would be naïve to expect new generations to
be the same as those of past times. A wise proverb
goes: a man resembles his times more than those of
his parents.
Cuban youth has always been willing to take up
challenges, as they proved during the recovery
efforts from the damage caused by the hurricanes,
the struggle against enemy provocations and defense-related
tasks, just to mention a few examples.
The average age of Congress delegates is 28. They
grew up during the harsh years of the Special Period
and have participated in our people’s efforts to
preserve the central socialist achievements while
confronting a very complex economic situation.
It is precisely because of the importance of the
youth vanguard being aware of the economic situation
that the Political Bureau Commission – considering
the positive experience of discussing the same issue
with deputies from the National Assembly [of People’s
Power] – decided to present the UJC municipal
assemblies with information describing the present
situation in all its severity and its prospects.
Over 30,000 members of the UJC received this
information, in the same manner as the principal
leaders of the Party, mass organizations, and
different levels of government.
The slogan of this Congress is "Everything for
the Revolution," and that means, first and foremost,
the strengthening and consolidation of the national
economy.
Today, more than never before, the economic
battle is the principal task and the focus of the
cadres’ ideological work, because the sustainability
and the preservation of our social system depend on
it.
Without a solid and dynamic economy and without
the removal of superfluous expenses and waste, it
will not be possible to improve the living standards
of the population or preserve and improve the high
levels of education and healthcare ensured to every
citizen free of charge.
Without an efficient and robust agriculture that
we can develop with the resources available to us,
without dreaming about the large allocations of the
past, we cannot expect to sustain and increase food
supplies for the population, which still depend on
importing products that could be grown in Cuba.
If the people do not feel the need to work for a
living because they are protected by extremely
paternalistic and irrational state regulations, we
will never be able to stimulate a love for work or
resolve the chronic shortage of construction,
agricultural and industrial workers; teachers,
police agents and other indispensable trades that
have steadily been disappearing.
Without a solid and systematic social rejection
of illegal activities and different expressions of
corruption, more than a few people will continue to
make fortunes at the expense of the labor of the
majority, thus disseminating attitudes that directly
attack the essence of socialism.
If we maintain an inflated workforce in nearly
every sector of national life and pay wages that
bear no correspondence to the result of the work
done, thus raising the amount of money in
circulation, we cannot expect prices to halt their
constant increase or prevent a decline in people’s
purchasing power. We know that the budgeted and
business sectors have hundreds of thousands of
workers in excess; some analysts estimate that the
surplus of excess workers is in excess of one
million. This is an extremely sensitive issue that
we should confront firmly and with political common
sense.
The Revolution will not leave anyone defenseless.
It will fight to create the necessary conditions for
every Cuban to have a dignified job, but this does
not mean that the state will be responsible for
providing a job for everyone after they have been
offered several different jobs. Citizens themselves
should be the ones most interested in finding
socially useful work.
In summary, to continue spending beyond our
income is tantamount to eating up our future and
jeopardizing the very survival of the Revolution.
We are facing really unpleasant realities, but we
are not closing our eyes to them. We are convinced
that we need to break free from dogmas and firmly
and confidently assume the upgrading of our economic
model, which has already begun, in order to set the
foundations for the irreversible nature and
development of Cuban socialism, which we know is the
guarantee of our national sovereignty and
independence.
I know that some compañeros sometimes despair and
want immediate changes in many spheres. I am
referring, of course, to those who do so without any
intention of lending a hand to the enemy. We
understand such concerns which, in general, stem
from ignorance of the magnitude of the work ahead of
us, the depth and complexity of interrelations among
the different factors that make society operate and
that must be modified.
Those who are asking us to go faster should bear
in mind the list of issues that we are studying, of
which I have mentioned just a few today. We cannot
allow haste or improvisation on solving a problem to
lead to an even greater one. With regards to matters
of strategic importance for the life of the entire
nation we cannot let ourselves be driven by emotion
or act without the needed comprehensiveness. As we
have explained, that is the only reason why we
decided to postpone the Party Congress and the
National Conference that will precede it by a few
months.
This is the greatest and most important challenge
we face to ensure the continuity of the work built
over five decades, which our youth has assumed with
full responsibility and conviction. The slogan
presiding over this Congress is "Everything for the
Revolution," and that means, first and foremost, the
strengthening and consolidation of the national
economy.
Cuban youth has been called to take over from the
generation that founded the Revolution. To lead the
masses with their great strength requires a vanguard
that is convincing and that has the capacity to
mobilize through personal example; a vanguard headed
by firm, capable and prestigious leaders; true
leaders and not improvised leaders; leaders who have
been shaped as members of the working class where
the most genuine values of a revolutionary are bred.
Life has eloquently shown the danger of violating
that principle.
Fidel stated it clearly in his closing remarks at
the 2nd UJC Congress, on April 4, 1972, and I quote:
"Nobody can learn to swim on the ground, and
nobody can walk on the sea. People are shaped by
their environment; humans are shaped by their own
lives, by their own activities."
And he concluded: "We will learn to respect what
work creates. We will teach respect for those goods
by teaching how to create them."
This idea, articulated 38 years ago, which surely
received a standing ovation by that Congress, is
another clear proof of the agreements that we reach
and then do not fulfill.
Today more than ever we need cadres capable of
undertaking effective ideological work, which cannot
be a discussion among the deaf or a mechanical
repetition of slogans. We need leaders who bring
sound arguments to a discussion, who do not think
they own the absolute truth; leaders who are good
listeners even if they don’t like what some people
say; leaders who are capable of examining others
viewpoints with an open mind, which does not exclude
energetically refuting, with sound arguments, those
viewpoints considered unacceptable.
Such leaders should foster open discussions and
not consider discrepancies a problem, but rather the
source of the best solutions. In general, absolute
unanimity is fictitious, and thus, harmful. When
contradictions are not antagonistic, as in our case,
they can become the driving force of development. We
should deliberately suppress anything that feeds
simulation and opportunism. We should learn to work
collegially, to encourage unity and to strengthen
collective leadership; these features should
characterize the future leaders of the Revolution.
There are young people all over the island with
the necessary disposition and capacity to take over
leadership positions. The challenge is to find them,
to train them and to gradually assign them greater
responsibilities. The masses will then confirm if
the selection was right.
We observe that progress is being made in the
ethnic and gender composition of the organization.
It is a movement that can afford neither regression
nor superficiality; the Union of Young Communists
should work on this constantly. In passing, let me
emphasize that this was one of the agreements we
adopted 35 years ago during the 1st Party Congress.
We left it to be spontaneously fulfilled and did not
follow up on it as we should have done, even though
this was one of Fidel’s first statements after the
triumph of the Revolution, one he has repeated on a
number of occasions.
This Congress has coincided with an uncommon
media attack on Cuba
As I said at the beginning, this Congress has
coincided with an uncommon media attack on Cuba; a
campaign that has been orchestrated, directed and
financed by the centers of imperial power in the
United States and Europe, which are hypocritically
waving the human rights banner.
They have cynically and shamefully manipulated
the death of an inmate sentenced on 14 charges of
common crimes that he committed. Due to a repeated
lie, which was blown out of all proportion, and a
thirst for economic support from overseas, he became
a "political dissident," who was incited to wage a
hunger strike for absurd demands.
Despite our doctors’ efforts, the man died,
something we also regretted when it happened, and we
condemned the sole beneficiaries of his death, the
same forces that are currently encouraging another
individual to continue with a similar attitude of
unacceptable coercion. The latter, despite all the
calumny, is not in prison. He is a man at liberty,
who has already served his sentence for common
crimes, specifically for the assault and battery of
a woman, a doctor and hospital director whom he also
threatened to kill, and later an elderly man of
nearly 70 years old, who, as a consequence of the
assault, required surgery to remove his spleen. As
was done in the previous case, everything possible
is being done to save his life; but if he does not
modify his self-destructive behavior, he will be
responsible, together with his sponsors, for an
outcome that we do not wish for him either.
The double standard of those in Europe is
repugnant, given that they are the ones who
maintained a complicit silence about the torture
engaged in during the so-called war on terrorism,
allowed clandestine CIA flights carrying prisoners
to pass through their territories, and even
permitted the use of their countries for the
establishment of clandestine prisons.
What would they say if we, like them, and in
breach of ethical standards, had forcibly fed these
people, as they have done on a daily basis in many
torture centers, including the Guantánamo Bay Naval
Base? Of course, as we see on television on almost a
daily basis, these are the same people who, in their
own countries, use police agents to charge
demonstrators on horseback, to beat them and attack
them with tear gas and even bullets. And what about
the frequent abuse and humiliation of immigrants?
The mass media in the West is not only attacking
Cuba; it has also initiated a new form of relentless
media terror against political leaders,
intellectuals, artists and other personalities, who
speak out all over the world against fallacy and
hypocrisy, and who simply examine events objectively.
Meanwhile, it would seem that the torch-bearers
of the much trumpeted "freedom of the press" have
forgotten that the economic and trade blockade of
Cuba, and all of its inhumane effects on our people,
is in full force and intensifying; that the current
U.S. administration has not, even to the minimally,
ceased to support subversion; that the unjust,
discriminatory and interfering Common Position
adopted by the European Union, sponsored from its
inception by the U.S. government and the Spanish
right wing, is still in force calling for a regime
change in our country; or, in other words, for the
destruction of the Revolution.
More than half a century of permanent combat has
taught our people that vacillation is synonymous
with defeat.
We will never yield to coercion from any country
or group of countries, no matter how powerful they
might be, and regardless of the consequences. We
have the right to defend ourselves. Let them know
that if they try to corner us, we will take cover,
first and foremost with truth and principles. Once
again we will be firm, calm, and patient. Our
history is rich with such examples!
That is how our heroic mambises (liberation
fighters) fought during our wars of independence in
the 19th Century.
That is how we defeated the last offensive of
10,000 heavily armed troops of the dictatorship, who
were initially confronted by barely 200 rebel
fighters who, under the direct leadership of
Commander in Chief Fidel Castro Ruz, engaged in more
than 100 combative actions, including four battles
in a small territory of 406 to 437 square miles, an
area smaller than Havana. That great operation,
which lasted for 75 days – from May 24 through
August 6, 1958 – determined the course of the war,
and four months later the Revolution was victorious.
This inspired an entry in Commander Ernesto Che
Guevara’s campaign diary, which reads: "Batista’s
army ended this last offensive in the Sierra Maestra
with its backbone in tatters."
We were also not scared by the yanki fleet
positioned within sight of Playa Girón in 1961.
Under their very noses we annihilated their
mercenary army, which amounted to the first defeat
of a U.S. military venture in this continent.
And we did it again in 1962, during the [October]
Missile Crisis. We did not give an inch despite the
brutal threats of an enemy that was aiming its
nuclear weapons at us and preparing to invade the
island. We also didn’t give an inch when the leaders
of the Soviet Union – our central ally in such a
predicament and on whose support the fate of the
Revolution depended – who were negotiating a
solution to the crisis behind our backs,
respectfully tried to persuade us to accept
inspections of the withdrawal from our territory of
their nuclear weapons, and we responded that such
inspection could possibly take place onboard their
ships in international waters, but never in Cuba.
Young Cuban revolutionaries have the clear
understanding that to preserve the Revolution and
socialism and to continue to have dignity and
freedom, many more years of struggle and sacrifice
still ahead lie ahead of them
We are positive that it would be very difficult
for worse circumstances than those mentioned above
to repeat themselves.
In more recent times, the Cuban people have
illustrated their capacity for resistance and their
confidence in themselves when, as a result of the
demise of the socialist camp and the dismemberment
of the Soviet Union, Cuba suffered a drop of 35% in
its GDP; an 85% reduction of its foreign trade; the
loss of markets for its main exports such as sugar,
nickel, citrus and others, whose prices plummeted by
half; the loss of soft credits with the subsequent
interruption of numerous crucial investments like
the first nuclear power station and the Cienfuegos
Refinery; the collapse of the transportation,
construction and agriculture sectors when we
abruptly lost supplies of spare parts for machinery,
fertilizers, animal feed and raw materials for
industry, causing hundreds and hundreds of factories
to be paralyzed, which led to the sudden
quantitative and qualitative deterioration of food
supplies for our people to levels below those
recommended for adequate nutrition. We all suffered
during those hot summers in the early 1990s, when
blackouts exceeded 12 hours a day due to a lack of
fuel to generate electricity. While all this was
happening, scores of Western press agencies, some
failing to conceal their delight, were sending their
correspondents to Cuba with the intention of being
the first to report on the definitive defeat of the
Revolution.
Amidst this dramatic situation, nobody was
abandoned to their fate, which illustrated the
strength that emanates from the unity of the people
when they defend just ideas and a work built with so
much sacrifice. Only a socialist regime, despite its
deficiencies, can successfully pass such a tough
test.
Thus, we are not losing any sleep over the
current skirmishes of the international reaction’s
offensive, coordinated, as usual, by those who do
not want to accept that this country will never be
crushed, one way or another, and that we would
rather disappear, as we proved in 1962.
This Revolution started only 142 years ago, on
October 10, 1868. At that time, the struggle was
being fought against a decaying European colonialism,
but we were always under the boycott of nascent U.S.
imperialism, which did not want our independence
until the "ripe fruit" would fall by "geographic
gravity" into its hands. And so it happened after
more than three decades of war and enormous
sacrifices made by the Cuban people.
Now the external actors have interchanged their
roles. For more than half a century we have been
attacked and continuously harassed by what is now
the most modern and most powerful empire on the
planet, assisted by the boycott implied in the
insulting Common Position, which remains intact
thanks to the pressure of certain countries and
reactionary political forces in the European Union
with various unacceptable conditions.
We ask ourselves, why? And, we think that it is
simply because the actors are still essentially the
same and have not renounced their old aspirations of
dominance.
Young Cuban revolutionaries have a clear
understanding that in order to preserve the
Revolution and socialism, and to continue to have
dignity and freedom, many more years of struggle and
sacrifices still lie ahead of them.
At the same time, great challenges are hanging
over humanity and it is the youth who have to
confront them. It is about defending the very
survival of the human species, threatened as never
before by climate change, a situation accelerated by
the reckless production and consumption patterns
engendered by capitalism.
Today, there are seven billion people on Earth.
Half of this population is poor, while 1.02 billion
suffering hunger. Thus, it is worthwhile to ponder
what will happen in 2050 when the world’s population
reaches nine billion and living conditions on the
planet have deteriorated even further.
The recent summit that ended in the Danish
capital last December turned into a farce and
illustrated that capitalism, with its blind market
laws, will never be able to solve this or many other
problems. Only consciousness and the mobilization of
the people, the political will of governments, and
the advancement of scientific and technological
knowledge can prevent humanity’s extinction.
To conclude, I would like to refer to the fact
that April of next year will mark half a century
since the proclamation of the socialist nature of
the Revolution and the crushing victory over the
mercenary Bay of Pigs invasion. We shall celebrate
these extraordinary events in every corner of our
country, from Baracoa, where they tried to disembark
a battalion, to the westernmost end of the nation.
In the capital, we shall have a people’s march and a
military parade. Young people, intellectuals, and
workers will be the principal protagonists of all of
these activities.
In a few days, on May 1st, our revolutionary
people throughout the country, in public squares and
in the streets that belong to them by right, will
give another resounding response to this new
international escalation of aggressions.
Cuba does not fear the lies nor does it bow to
pressure, conditions or impositions, wherever they
come from. It defends itself with the truth, which
is established, and sooner rather than later.
The Union of Young Communists was born on a day
like this, 48 years ago. On that historic April 4,
1962, Fidel stated:
"Believing in youth is seeing in them not only
enthusiasm but capacity; not only energy but
responsibility; not only youth, but purity, heroism,
character, willpower, love of homeland, faith in
their homeland! Love of the Revolution, faith in the
Revolution, and confidence in themselves! It is the
profound conviction that youth can do it, that youth
is capable; the profound conviction that great tasks
can be placed on the shoulders of the youth."
That’s how it was yesterday, how it is today and
how it will continue to be in the future.
Thank you very much.