THERE are inopportune suspicions as to the real cause of the death of Milosevic (the fourth of Serbs imprisoned in The Hague) which, even if it was the most natural of all, leaves behind it a trail of reservations as to the legitimacy of the court that has held him for more than four years and that subjected him to a trial whose probity is questionable. Even with motives for having put him on trial for faults committed, that should have happened within his country, where legislation prevents the extradition of prisoners, and of having decided to make an exception: the placing in cells adjoining his of those who forced events into a one-way street or made themselves the decisive participants in a matter that was beyond their competence, thus rarefying results that, at the end of the day, have not turned out for the best.

There was no cleanness in the way in which the former head of state was taken to the Dutch capital. First he was pulled out of his residence and incarcerated in Belgrade. That was an initial step to facilitate his kidnapping via a nocturnal operation organized by the CIA (possibly with the help of other European secret services) and with the complicity of the then Prime Minister Zoran Djinic, who ended up being a priori assassinated by the mafia that he likewise betrayed, according to conjectures.

Djinic’s motive was to get rid of Milosevic – who continued having followers – and at the same time to obtain Western financial aid, supposedly to pull Yugoslavia out of the economic strangulation to which it was subjected by the United States and the European Union with lengthy trade sanctions. For those pieces of silver he sold the former statesman, going over the head of Vojislav Kostunitca, president of the country at that time (June 2001), in an act so contemptible and self-seeking that he broke the existing government coalition and created anarchy out of what was an already highly delicate situation for Yugoslavia at the end of 10 years of dismemberment as a country and almost three months of intensive NATO (read the United States) bombardments.

In 1991 Slovenia affirmed its decision to become independent of Yugoslavia. The German government headed by Helmut Kohl hastened to recognize it in early January 1992, thus forcing the EU to act likewise. The United States, with Bush Sr. experiencing the hangover of the first Gulf War, did not appear to have approved that secession among his plans, perhaps because of certain fears of the conflictive and immature process of the Socialist bloc’s re-conversion or because one of his advisers had warned him that it was not a healthy idea to establish new borders in Europe.

Croatia followed the Slovenian impulse and, almost at the end of the same year, the Croats and Muslims from Bosnia-Herzegovina did likewise. To that point, a certain coexistence had been attained in Bosnia with power sharing among the three human groups that inhabited it, to an extent similar to that established by Marshall Tito when he legislated that the presidency of Yugoslavia should rotate as a way of avoiding setbacks, jealousy or envy of any of the leaders of this human mosaic.

Nevertheless, the first confrontations occurred on February 4, 1992. Almost immediately, Brussels and Washington accepted the sovereignty of Bosnia-Herzegovina, while withholding support for the new Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, recreated that same month (April 1992) and made up of Serbia and Montenegro, as the legal inheritors of the former.

In the face of an imminent triumph which could have resulted in the area asking to be annexed to the semi-proscribed Yugoslavia, the West entered the scenario, affording itself the right of military intervention in an alien civil conflict. It did outside of the UN and in violation of its precepts of international law.

The NATO bombardments were directed at Serb positions in order to twist the existing reality, without having any mandate or credible excuses, but by spreading macabre stories that are still repeated to justify the unacceptable.

In spite of the power of the Western allies there was no alternative but to accede to negotiations to halt what they were contributing to make worse and which could easily have reached a civilized outcome. However, to tell the truth, that was difficult, because Washington also utilized people of the likes of Osama Bin Laden in this episode to attract to the conflict extremist Muslims (including Talibans), who participated in this allegedly ethnic war but what was one of a political-economic nature before anything else.

The reasons? In the first place they were frightened of the existence in the very heart of Europe of a state that called itself socialist, although the unique experience of the Yugoslavs was distinct from that of Eastern Europe or the Soviet Union, and Slobodan Milosevic had already been forces to accept conditions imposed in the context of financial strangulation.

The Dayton Accords fabricated a government that is unable to function or to have resolved anything to date, given that troops are still in place in Bosnia and the scenario is one of total anomaly.

Something does seem to have occurred and is still occurring in the Serb province of Kosovo, where certain chapters of the same story have been barefacedly repeated.

The culminating point occurred in 1999 when, after giving support to the separatist Albanian Kosovars, the Clinton government ordered bombardments that continued for three months under the pretext that Belgrade was undertaking "ethnic cleansing." Strangely, enough since then and to date they have neither defended or helped the Serb Kosovars from whom they stole houses and possessions or whom they have killed and humiliated, even though the troops stationed in the area are supposedly neutral.

Those three months of 1999 and their collateral damage inflicted on individuals and civilian targets, with U.S. and NATO cluster bombs – what’s the difference – will not go down in history through the gate of decorum.

The special court financed and manipulated by the United States and various of its multinationals in which Milosevic was tried is usually confused with the International Court of Justice in The Hague created by the UN in 1947 and which judges states, not individuals. There are also people who confuse it with the International Criminal Court created in Rome in July 1998. The latter is the one that George W. Bush threatened with an armed assault if it extradited even one of its soldiers, however much of a torturer or genocidal killer he might be.

The fact that it is one of the many White House falsifications admitted by its partners is borne out by what Jaime Shea stated as spokesman for the military alliance commanded by Washington:

"The International Criminal Tribunal (ICT) will only investigate (NATO crimes) if we permit it." He was alluding to charges in Yugoslavia against that military pact but above all indicates the feeling of impunity with which it acts.