THE task of Michele Bachelet would seem easy assuming that she is going to change very little or nothing in Chile, as predicted. The idea of continuation has been pursuing her since she was campaigning. There was a moment of doubt when the Communist Party (PCCH) lent its support – and its votes – seemingly decisive for her obtaining more than 50% of votes cast.

However, that political grouping warned that even though it was going to cooperate with the president it would make criticisms of her government. On the other hand, what has been announced by the new head of state and the very composition of her cabinet suggests to observers that, in fact, some changes cannot be postponed and others will inevitably lead to controversy.

That is in reference to those of an institutional nature, such as references to variations in the electoral system or, on an economic level, a touch or two in the fiscal sphere.

However, Chile requires serious attention to its most affected social sectors, according to different specialists in the country. It is implicit in Bachelet’s promise to improve the health system (she was minister in this sector and nothing was achieved, a fact that is brandished as a doubt against her), although there is a little faith present among popular uncertainty that now, from a higher position, she will effect something.

Chilean sources affirm that thee are many irregularities in the labor sector (a huge number of jobs are temporary or sub-contracted – more than one out of six million – and subject to lay offs outside of the law.

Even regular workers can find themselves receiving only part of their wages because, for example, when business is bad, the proprietors of some companies send their employees home and only pay a minimum part of the day, a sum that does not even cover transportation costs.

Another detail is given by Juan Pablo Letelier, son of the former foreign minister assassinated in the United States (1976), who affirms: "There is a lot of abuse, the large stores or supermarkets pay their providers every three or four months. There are 17 groups here controlling 80% of the GDP."

Improving public education, providing resources to alleviate extreme poverty and properly train its workforce are urgent matters, they are saying in Santiago, as difficulties in access to the job market of young people and their qualifications have very serious future implications and are nothing to be proud of despite an insistence that Chileans are the most exciting example of the model in the region.

That is possible if one only looks at a privileged 20%, but according to expert witnesses the Chilean economy is highly dependent on the export of raw materials, principally copper, whose market price has been favorable but could drop. Neither is dependency on the dollar seen as very appropriate for the financial health of this country perceived as that of the greatest social inequality on the sub-continent.

Bachelet has been asked to review retirements funds (privatized) and the possible (or necessary) raising of minimum pensions to bring them closer in line to the real cost of living. She has also stated that she intends to increase other aspects of social assistance. But that runs counter to the sacred principles of neoliberalism (installed three years after the Pinochet coup), a model that the president is not going to change, of course, and which could clash with or frustrate good intentions.

The difficulties hanging over her will not only be internal ones derived from potential popular reaction if she fails to meet the minimum expectations that she has promoted.At the external and above all regional level, there is a heavy agenda to confront. Her first meeting with Evo Morales in the framework of her investiture, planned around on one of the oldest and strongest conflicts (Bolivia’s sea exit, the subject of gas, official relations between the two countries). The meeting between the two leaders had the simple warmth that irradiates the Bolivian president and Bachelet’s statement gave evidence of a certain promising rapprochement.

Other relevant issues include the tight Chilean commitment with Washington via the Free Trade Agreement and the no less close links with various U.S. transnationals not coming into discordance with the growing, positive and emancipatory integration movement that is spreading throughout the region.