Political Prisoners of the Empire  MIAMI 5      

     

I N T E R N A T I O N A L

Havana. April 24, 2006

CUBAN EMIGRATION
All the same?

MANY attempts have been made to distinguish Cuban emigration, but from one angle it was and is not very different from other conglomerates residing outside of their native lands. Thus, from other angles and like any other human group, there is no homogeneity.

What is referred to as the "Cuban community" abroad was initially called the exile community. That description was quite appropriate at first, given that the 126,000 or so people who left during the 1960s generally belonged to the same social class that felt its interests affected by the measures to redistribute wealth introduced by the revolutionary government. They were people from various wealthy sectors and expected to return soon. Many of them even left the country confident that the United States would invade the island to prevent the consolidation of the process that was taking away their prerogatives.

They went to save themselves from what had happened at other times and accepted it as natural. That attitude alone clearly categorizes them as individuals lacking a reasonable perception of sovereignty and patriotism.

Propaganda from the United States and maneuvers aimed at debilitating the development of a less unjust society greatly influenced the postures assumed. They achieved one of the most tragic episodes with Operation Peter Pan, through which thousands of children were involuntarily separated from their parents and their native land and subjected to deficiencies and abuse during decisive stages of their lives.

But it was after that, and outside of what is sadly anecdotal, that the emigration during the 1970s and 80s had an economic aspect, similar to what has always existed and is currently maintained by the 191 million people who live outside their native lands, according to the UN. That same source indicates that just during the last five years, the displaced totaled 25 million, both from one underdeveloped nation to another and from those to the wealthy North.

Those who left Cuba from the 1980s are different from those who left previously because they grew up within an experience of deep-rooted changes that gave them a different point of view on basic issues of life, such as broad-reaching social services and other civil rights.

In spite of the perverse privileges – compared to other emigrant groups – granted to them by the Cuban Adjustment Act, they find themselves in new situations, such as insufficient time to dedicate to their families, especially their children, given concern over drug addictions and mechanisms of violence that minors constantly experience and get from the mass media in the United States.

So, while those who left Cuba in the ‘60s were not bothered whether the island was blockaded or bombed, those who left in the following decades are disturbed by that, and do not want the blockade to remain because they themselves have suffered from its effects. They clash with those who advocate it or encourage other forms of aggression.

Most of them do not become U.S. citizens, and that is one of the reasons why they do not have broad influence over domestic policies. However, they do maintain points of contact with a group of common values practiced in Cuba, where they have relatives for whom they do not wish any harm. They did not leave their country for political reasons or ideological rejection. Mainly, it was in search of better economic horizons.

But even without participating in the petty politicking pursuits through which quite a few are prospering or have become millionaires, they come up against those who are mobilizing to increase sanctions or any time of warmongering against Cuba.

These differences have been evidenced at different time, including in the resounding opposition to U.S. measures restricting travel and remittances. (E.C.)
 

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