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CUBAN EMIGRATION
All the same?
MANY attempts have been made to distinguish Cuban
emigration, but from one angle
it was and is not very
different from other conglomerates residing outside
of their native lands. Thus, from other angles and
like any other human group, there is no homogeneity.
What is referred to as the "Cuban community"
abroad was initially called the exile community.
That description was quite appropriate at first,
given that the 126,000 or so people who left during
the 1960s generally belonged to the same social
class that felt its interests affected by the
measures to redistribute wealth introduced by the
revolutionary government. They were people from
various wealthy sectors and expected to return soon.
Many of them even left the country confident that
the United States would invade the island to prevent
the consolidation of the process that was taking
away their prerogatives.
They went to save themselves from what had
happened at other times and accepted it as natural.
That attitude alone clearly categorizes them as
individuals lacking a reasonable perception of
sovereignty and patriotism.
Propaganda from the United States and maneuvers
aimed at debilitating the development of a less
unjust society greatly influenced the postures
assumed. They achieved one of the most tragic
episodes with Operation Peter Pan, through which
thousands of children were involuntarily separated
from their parents and their native land and
subjected to deficiencies and abuse during decisive
stages of their lives.
But it was after that, and outside of what is
sadly anecdotal, that the emigration during the
1970s and 80s had an economic aspect, similar to
what has always existed and is currently maintained
by the 191 million people who live outside their
native lands, according to the UN. That same source
indicates that just during the last five years, the
displaced totaled 25 million, both from one
underdeveloped nation to another and from those to
the wealthy North.
Those who left Cuba from the 1980s are different
from those who left previously because they grew up
within an experience of deep-rooted changes that
gave them a different point of view on basic issues
of life, such as broad-reaching social services and
other civil rights.
In spite of the perverse privileges – compared to
other emigrant groups – granted to them by the Cuban
Adjustment Act, they find themselves in new
situations, such as insufficient time to dedicate to
their families, especially their children, given
concern over drug addictions and mechanisms of
violence that minors constantly experience and get
from the mass media in the United States.
So, while those who left Cuba in the ‘60s were
not bothered whether the island was blockaded or
bombed, those who left in the following decades are
disturbed by that, and do not want the blockade to
remain because they themselves have suffered from
its effects. They clash with those who advocate it
or encourage other forms of aggression.
Most of them do not become U.S. citizens, and
that is one of the reasons why they do not have
broad influence over domestic policies. However,
they do maintain points of contact with a group of
common values practiced in Cuba, where they have
relatives for whom they do not wish any harm. They
did not leave their country for political reasons or
ideological rejection. Mainly, it was in search of
better economic horizons.
But even without participating in the petty
politicking pursuits through which quite a few are
prospering or have become millionaires, they come up
against those who are mobilizing to increase
sanctions or any time of warmongering against Cuba.
These differences have been evidenced at
different time, including in the resounding
opposition to U.S. measures restricting travel and
remittances. (E.C.)
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