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45
YEARS AFTER THE BAY OF PIGS INVASION
"We lost because Fidel is with them,
" José M. Gutiérrez, Bay of Pigs invader
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Arthur M. Schlesinger, advisor to that president who
was later mysteriously assassinated, wrote what the
U.S. big-business media did not have the courage to
say outright: "The reality was that Fidel Castro
turned out to be a far more formidable foe and in
command of a far better organized regime than anyone
had supposed. His patrols spotted the invasion at
almost the first possible moment. His planes reacted
with speed and vigor. His police eliminated any
chance of sabotage or rebellion behind the lines.
His soldiers stayed loyal and fought hard."
BY GABRIEL
MOLINA
In mid-April 1961, organized into militia units,
the Rebel Army and the police, the people brought
down like a sandcastle the long- and carefully-prepared
Operation Pluto, with which the United States hoped
to wipe the Cuban Revolution and its example off the
face of the continent.
Some 1,500 CIA-trained men, equipped with the
most modern weapons utilized by the U.S. Army and
with extensive aerial coverage, were defeated in
combat in just 72 hours on the sands of Playa Girón,
the first great military defeat of the United States
in Latin America.
The defeat of the invasion eliminated the
possibility of direct intervention by the United
States and prevented Cuba’s victory from being
incomparably more costly. An end to the myth of the
great power’s invincibility had begun. From then on,
many things began to change in the world.
APRIL 17: THE INVASION
The moon, in its fourth quarter, was invisible at
nightfall. A soft breeze blew in from the north at
15 to 25 miles per hour. The night was cool when
militia member Mariano Mustelier and literacy
teacher Valerio Rodríguez saw a light approaching
over the ocean waves in the darkness. It was a ship
that was sending signals.
They moved the jeep they were manning until it
faced the boat that was signaling, and signaled
back.
The time was just after midnight, April 17, on
Playa Girón (Girón beach).
It was the ship Blagar, one of seven
navigated by more than 1,500 men financed, trained
and led by the CIA to invade Cuba. There was also a
group of combat frogmen, led by officers of the U.S.
Army and other U.S. agencies.
From the ship, they began firing on the jeep.
Mustelier responded with his FAL rifle. The shots
wounded the 13-year-old literacy teacher, who had
been teaching local residents how to read and write.
Mustelier took him to a small militia encampment and
then returned with five men. Cannon fire began to
come from the ship as the frogmen who had
disembarked ordered them to surrender.
"Patria o muerte (Homeland or death)!" was the
firm response they had learned from Fidel.
Those simple words symbolized what awaited the
invaders.
The shrapnel wounded two of the brave defenders.
Another was sent to the Covadonga sugar mill to
sound the alarm, and a fourth went to a radio
station to communicate with Santa Clara and report
the landing.
A squadron attached to Battalion 330 of the
National Revolutionary Militias of Cienfuegos had
been situated to protect the location on Playa
Larga, at the central interior point of the Bay of
Pigs about 31 kilometers from Playa Girón on the
right-hand entry into the bay coming from the south.
At midnight, the squad’s five men saw the flashes of
the gunfight on Playa Girón. At 2:00 a.m., a small
boat approached. The order to halt was answered with
rifle and machine-gun fire. Combat began immediately,
and squadron leader Ramón González Suco radioed the
Australia sugar mill complex.
Together with their leader, García Garriga,
Hernández, Jaramillo and Quintana fought until their
ammunition ran out. At 2:45 a.m., they retreated
after informing the mill complex.
The Larga and Buenaventura beaches were also
fired on from the ships Houston and
Barbara J. On the latter, a Navy boat responded
with fire from the dock.
As soon as Captain Cordero, head of battalion
339, comprised of 528 workers and students from the
city of Cienfuegos, received the report at the
Australia sugar mill complex, he informed Havana. On
the orders of the commander-in-chief, he left for
Girón at 2:30 a.m., a 68-kilometer journey. By then,
from the small boats with skull-and-crossbones
painted on their sides, invaders carrying M-3s and
other weapons had landed at three points of the Bay:
Playa Girón, Playa Larga and Hornos.
The militia members who fought back during the
initial moments had been sent there the day before
when, during a tour of the area, Commander Juan
Almeida, chief of the armed forces in central Cuba
(in the east, it was Commander Raúl Castro, and in
the west, Commander Che Guevara), noted the
communication difficulties in the zone and
dispatched a company to it.
At the first landing point, Commander-in-Chief
Fidel Castro received the information and confirmed
that a landing was underway, backed up with heavy
weapons.
Fidel later commented that the imperialists had
only analyzed the landing area from a military point
of view, without being interested in the fact that
in Ciénaga de Zapata, the local population had been
"redeemed from the worst misery, the worst isolation."
In a place where even dogs used to die of hunger,
where men came to buy sacks of charcoal for 80 cents,
people were now earning eight to 12 pesos daily.
Roads and tourist centers had been built.
Moreover, 200 literacy campaign volunteers had
been sent to the area, and 300 campesino children
were going to school in Havana.
The Revolution had accomplished so much in the
area that when one of the invaders, José Manuel
Gutiérrez, found out on the way from Nicaragua to
Cuba that they were going to the Ciénaga de Zapata,
and knowing what was taking place there, commented:
"It’s all over! Because if there’s anywhere that the
government has influence..."
Gutiérrez was one of the men who landed on Playa
Larga and heard the militia members yell "Patria o
muerte! Viva Fidel Castro!"
Along with infantry battalions, the invaders
unloaded battalions of heavy motorized cannons and a
tank company, and a battalion of paratroopers landed
at dawn.
The militia battalion from Cienfuegos, with light
weapons, clashed with the invaders at dawn. After
the decision to move the 339, Fidel ordered Captain
José R. Fernández, with the battalion of militia
chiefs, to go from Matanzas to Jovellanos, and
another battalion from Matanzas to advance. He
directed Battalion 117 from Las Villas to move
toward Yaguaramas and Covadonga.
The invading paratroopers were launched on the
rearguard of Battalion 339 from Cienfuegos and the
rearguard of the Las Villas battalion.
The Commander-in-Chief ordered the revolutionary
air forces to attack.
At 5:00 a.m., only three planes had been
activated. The Air Force was suffering from a lack
of spare parts because of the blockade. In addition,
11 planes, of various types, had been rendered
useless after the bombings of air bases two days
earlier, on April 15, by planes bearing the insignia
of the revolutionary Air Force in order to cause
confusion and surprise.
Fidel telephoned and asked for pilot Enrique
Carreras. "You have to sink those ships for me!" was
the order.
Captain Carreras left in a Sea Fury, followed by
Bourzac. Silva Tablada was in the third plane, a
B-26.
From the air, Carreras saw the impressive
spectacle of the seven or eight ships, and "an
undetermined number of small boats and landing craft
in full activity."
He noted that one of the large ships was sailing
into the bay, followed by a war frigate. It was full
of troops and war material. Light from the tracers
and explosions from missiles fired from the ships
attempted to block his path as he dove down against
them. Carreras was the first to fire his rockets on
the Houston.
Bourzac and Silva also hit the ship. The first
vessel was out of combat. The war frigate escorting
it fled when it saw that it was lost.
During his second flight, Carreras fired his
rockets at the Río Escondido ship, destroying
a good part of the mercenaries’ supplies. Before
returning, Carreras shot down a B-26, but either it
or the enemy anti-aircraft fire hit his engine,
making his return to base difficult.
By the end of the first day, the Revolutionary
Air Force had sunk four ships and shot down five
enemy planes.
In the morning, Fidel had gone to the front lines.
At the Australia sugar mill complex, he laid out the
strategy to be followed to a group of officers and
gave the order to carry it out.
Combat continued uninterruptedly for the entire
day.
The revolutionary government issued a communiqué
that day announcing the landing, which ended by
saying:
"Onward, people of Cuba, because the
Revolution is invincible, and all enemies of her and
the heroic people who defend her will be smashed!
"Let us shout out now, with more zeal and
firmness than ever before, when Cubans are already
sacrificing themselves in combat:
"¡VIVA CUBA LIBRE! ¡PATRIA O MUERTE! ¡VENCEREMOSI"
Fidel Castro Ruz
Commander-in-Chief and Prime Minister of the
Revolutionary Government
APRIL 18: THE COUNTEROFFENSIVE
On the second day of battle, dawn saw an
offensive by our tanks in the direction of Playa
Larga itself, backed by anti-aircraft fire. The
night before, a good part of those forces could not
be used because of enemy planes.
Alongside the militia battalions who initiated
active defense with the goal of clearing out the
invaders – the forces from Cienfuegos, Matanzas, Las
Villas and the one made up of militia chiefs – Fidel
mobilized Columns One and Two of the Rebel Army, a
tank company, anti-tank batteries, four 122-mortar
batteries, and the First Police battalion.
But the enemy was dominating the air with its
B-26 planes, and the batteries stopped at determined
locations to wait for nightfall before moving on,
given that the revolutionary planes were being used
to destroy ships, and could not provide protection
to the land forces that were advancing along
vulnerable roads.
The battalion of militia chiefs was protected by
two planes when it crossed Matanzas on its way there.
The 11 men defending the Covadonga sugar mill
complex received orders to keep resisting until
reinforcements arrived, and that’s what they did;
the same situation occurred at the Australia mill.
The most important outcome of the first day was
the incredible feat by the Revolutionary Air Force.
With an extremely small number of planes (one-third
of the enemy’s) and 10 pilots, without relief or
replacement and no spare parts, they sunk half of
the enemy’s naval forces, shot down five planes and
provided air protection to the infantry so that it
could hold the beachhead on the west side of the
Ciénaga.
The militia battalion spent the night of April 17
attacking Playa Larga from the highway, since it was
the only way to cross the swamps. The advance was
heroic, given that enemy aircraft constantly raked
their way. But by nightfall the anti-aircraft guns
and tanks arrived.
At 12:00 p.m. the anti-aircraft artillery of
Battalion 122 began attacking Playa Larga and by
dawn the tanks had reached the edge of the beach.
At dawn, Battalion 111, which was in the
Australia center, was also ordered to advance to
Cayo Ramona, which was under enemy control, and
locate itself in the rearguard. One battalion would
go around Buenaventura to take Playa Larga.
In addition, Fidel ordered other troop movements:
a company of tanks to Yaguaramas so that they would
be there by the night of April 18; four batteries of
Artillery Force 122 to Covadonga; a company of heavy
tanks, as a reserve to Yaguaramas; another tank
company to be used on the morning of the 19 and a
special combat column and a police battalion, which
entered through Australia-Girón.
ON THE ENEMY SIDE
The invaders perceived the battle in the
following way: "¼ when
night fell (on the 17), Fidel’s tanks began to
arrive. Then everyone one looked at each other and
said: But, what’s going on here, where are the
militias that were going to meet us here?... the
next day they sent us to cover the retreat from
Playa Girón, so that everyone could leave, and they
sent us in behind..."
One of the invading paratroopers, Antonio
Fernández Alvarez, narrated what happened on the
enemy’s side the morning of the 18.
"Around 7:00-7:10 a.m. the same militia that had
attacked the first advance began to attack again,
but this time with mortars, the famous 120 mortars,
and when these hit our first trenches and wounded
many of our comrades, Alejandro del Valle (chief of
the paratroopers) ordered a retreat to another place
called Dos Vías, or that we called Dos Vías, I don’t
know what its real name might be; there was a tiny
hamlet there at the crossroads.
"The troops went back to take possession of the
trenches again and to wait for the enemy, but this
time they were already calling for another relief
battalion, because people were already getting
discontented. Because they said that the troops were
going to relieved, that the fighting was not going
to be continuous, that they weren’t going to fight...
They sent another battalion to that Dos Vías place
and there was more combat there; again we were
pushed back by artillery, by now everyone was
retreating to the beach..."
Meanwhile, in Havana and other locations in the
country, the State Security agencies, efficiently
assisted by the Committees for the Defense of the
Revolution (CDRs), detained bands that they had been
following and made preventative arrests of people
suspected of being potential enemy collaborators.
On April 15, the capture of a band in Pinar del
Río, directed by U.S. American Howard Frederick
Anderson, owner of the Coney Island amusement park
located on Mariano beach, was announced.
The band, made up of 15 people, had eight tons of
arms cached in a place known as Las Furnias, in
Pinar del Río.
Anderson was a CIA agent who put the band, led by
Joaquín del Cueto, a former lieutenant in Batista’s
army, in contact with a U.S. embassy official and
CIA agent known as Mr. Avignon who, before the
breaking off of relations, was one of those
directing internal subversive activities.
The meeting place was a store located at 70 and
29-F, Mariano.
The eight tons of arms had been received on
February 22, 1961, brought from the United States by
a U.S. boat to the Pinar del Río coast. The military
equipment included 40 cases of rifles; 12 cases of
automatic rifles; 18 cases of Thompson machine guns;
18 cases of 30-caliber machine guns; 5 cases of
bazookas and 5 mortars; one box of plastic dynamite,
etcetera.
On April 17 the CDR detained the priest Eduardo
Boza Masvidal, a known counterrevolutionary leader,
who had stashed a large volume of propaganda and
medicine in La Caridad church, which he distributed.
International solidarity, for its part, spread
around the world. Two eloquent expressions of that
are eloquent ones: General Lázaro Cárdenas, former
president of Mexico, prepared the means to come to
Cuba and fight alongside the Cuban people, provoking
a great impact when Cuban Foreign Minister Raúl Roa
announced this news in the UN General Assembly.
And from the distant Soviet country which, at
that time, had much impressed the world with the
heroic feats of cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin, thus making
the Soviet Union’s rockets even more respectable,
the government sent a message to the U.S. government
expressing the indignation of its people and warning:
"¼ there should be no
confusion in relation to our position: we will lend
the Cuban people and its government all the
assistance necessary to repel the armed aggression
of Cuba."
APRIL 19: THE VICTORY
In the morning of the 19, the third day of the
invasion, the revolutionary forces began to attack
Playa Girón with artillery, tanks and infantry.
Other troops with the same arms were fighting to
take San Blas and succeeded between 9:30 a.m. and
10:00 a.m.
After that came an extensive artillery
preparation against enemy positions in Girón.
At 2:40 p.m., when the Cuban forces were two-and-a-half
kilometers from Girón, two U.S. Navy destroyers that
had escorted the invading fleet from Nicaragua to
Cuba came into view.
In 10 minutes, an extraordinary number of barges,
motorboats and other vessels set off from the
destroyers and headed for the shore. Captain
Fernández, who was leading of the Cuban troops there,
thought that it was another landing and ordered his
troops to fire. Some of the vessels turned back.
A Cuban airplane arrived and fired on the barges
and boats. Those heading for the shore had to
retreat to the destroyers.
Later, one of the prisoners, the son of José Miró
Cardona, stated that he was still fighting in Girón
when he suddenly realized that the leadership of the
invaders had left. That immediately caused the
complete disintegration of the troops. The U.S. Navy
destroyers were attempting to evacuate San Román and
others, but failed.
The U.S. president had been pressured by the CIA,
the Miró Cardonas and Tony Varona, to directly
intervene with the U.S. armed forces. Aware of the
tremendous consequences that would entail, Kennedy
decided not to authorize it. Instead he permitted
U.S. naval units to evacuate the mercenaries.
Hours earlier, he had also authorized protection
for the last B-26 air strike, using reaction craft
from the Essex aircraft carrier, which was nearby
escorting the invading force.
The U.S. Navy planes arrived poorly coordinated
after the incursion of the B-26. That day a further
five enemy planes were shot down bringing the figure
to 10. Four of these last pilots were U.S. Americans
under CIA contract, since those of Cuban origin
refused to continue. One of them was Leo Francis
Baker of Boston. The U.S. government began to send a
check for $245 to the four widows every two weeks.
In total, 12 enemy B-26 planes were downed.
In Playa Girón, the last mercenary resistance was
undertaken by two tanks. Being left with no
leadership, they surrendered.
Fidel ordered the organization of a cordon to
capture enemy troops who had escaped and the
survivors of the sunken boats. One of them, Ulises
Carbó, son of the former owner of the Havana
Prensa Libre daily, was aboard the Houston
when it sunk. Like many others of that battalion
unable to land due to the aim and bravery of the
revolutionary air fleet, he swam to the shore and
hid out for days before turning himself over to the
militias.
Meanwhile, members of the brand-new Congress, the
front for the invasion, had been closeted in an
abandoned air base in Opa-Locka, Florida.
Arthur M. Schlesinger went there to visit them on
Kennedy’s orders. He was met by a CIA official known
as Frank Bender, of German origin, and Schlesinger’s
account is a great tragicomedy:
"They took us with evident stealth in a car
parked nearby. We traveled for a while: later we
parked in front of a hamburger stand where we
switched cars. One was beginning to feel like a
character in a Hitchcock movie. Then we resumed our
trip for miles and miles of sterile Florida
landscape. Finally we arrived at the Opa-Locka
airbase... we stopped a few yards from a strange and
indescribable timber-frame house, located in the
farthest reaches of the base. The grounds were
patrolled by young American GIs with revolvers
visible in their holsters..."
In the meeting, Varona accused the CIA and it was
he who most vehemently demanded the intervention of
U.S. Navy planes and infantry. He was the embodiment
of a traitor to his country.
Schlesinger brought them to Washington to meet
with Kennedy.
"After listening to Kennedy they were much more
submissive in the morning," wrote Schlesinger in his
book A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in
the White House.
However, on that day, the 19, the battle had
already been decided.
The balance of the invasion was: 89 invaders dead
and 1,197 taken prisoner. The revolutionary armed
forces lost 157 men.
The Cuban forces dealt a crushing defeat to the
enemy in less than 72 hours. The dreams of the CIA
turned to dust.
The CIA headquarters in Washington sent a cable
to its stations around the world on April 19,
instructing them to treat the invasion as if it were
a supply mission to the rebels in the Escambray
mountains.
The cable was intended to cover up the first
defeat of U.S. imperialism, by stating that the
supply operation had been a success. It was simply
ridiculous.
In a televised statement after his capture, José
Manuel Gutiérrez, one of the members of the invasion’s
2506 Brigade, perhaps without meaning to,
demonstrated one fundamental difference among many
between those who came to assault Cuba at the behest
of a foreign power and those who defended it.
"The other morning a jeep passed shooting and
saying: ‘Surrender, surrender;’ a little later a
group of us came out and turned ourselves over; it
was Fidel in that jeep, and I said to someone:
‘That’s why we lost, because Fidel is with them,
fighting on the frontline and those who were with us,
those who embarked us and left us stranded, went off
afterwards "
(Revised excerpt from the book
Diario de Girón (Girón Diary), Editora Política,
1984)
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