U.S.: Sheltering
terrorists
By Wayne S.
Smith
(Sun Sentinel - October 27, 2005)
The United States is supposed to be in an all-out
struggle against terrorism. As part of that,
President Bush has said over and over again that
anyone who shelters terrorists or gives aid to
terrorists is a terrorist. But the Bush
administration and influential members of the
Florida congressional delegation are again in the
process of giving shelter to Cuban exile terrorists,
most prominently to one Luis Posada Carriles. The
latter is accused of being one of the masterminds of
the bombing of a Cubana airliner back in 1976 with
the loss of 73 innocent lives, including the Cuban
junior fencing team.
He was in a Venezuelan prison awaiting trial on
that charge when he escaped in 1985. Venezuela long
ago asked for his extradition and now has done so
again.
He also bragged to The New York Times in a 1998
interview that he had ordered the bombing of a
number of tourist hotels in Havana, acts which led
to the death of an Italian tourist and the wounding
of several other people.
And then in 2000, he was arrested in Panama, and
later convicted of "endangering public safety"
because of his involvement in a plot to assassinate
Fidel Castro by blowing up a public auditorium where
Castro was to speak before an audience of some
1,500. One can imagine the carnage and suffering
that would have resulted from that.
Posada managed to get to Miami and was there from
March until May of this year, untouched by U.S.
authorities. Only in mid-May, when he brazenly
organized a press conference, did the Department of
Homeland Security feel compelled to take him into
custody. And then, although the Venezuelan
government had several days earlier formally
requested that the U.S. detain him for extradition,
he was instead charged only with illegal entry and
sent off to El Paso for an administrative
immigration hearing, a hearing that turned out to be
a total farce.
Posada's lawyer called only one witness, one
Joaquin Chaffardet, who, without presenting a shred
of evidence, said the accused would be tortured if
he were deported to Venezuela. The Immigration,
Customs and Enforcement Agency of the DHS called no
witnesses and made no effort to cross-examine
Chaffardet. Had it done so, the immigration judge
would have learned that Chaffardet was by no means
an objective witness. Over the past 40 years, he had
been one of Posada's closest associates, was his ex-boss
in the Venezuelan Secret Intelligence Agency and is
now his lawyer in Venezuela. And yet, relying on
nothing more than that biased testimony, the
immigration judge ruled that Posada would be
tortured if removed to Venezuela. Never mind that
the Venezuelan government had given assurances that
he would be held under conditions of the greatest
transparency and that no credible evidence that he
would be tortured was even offered.
Meanwhile, on June 15, Venezuela again formally
asked the U.S. government to extradite him to
Venezuela. But it seems clear that the U.S. had --
and has -- no intention of extraditing him. The most
likely thing is that he will remain in custody for a
time under the illegal entry charge and will then be
freed.
In other words, the Bush administration will then
have given shelter to another terrorist, to join
others such as Orlando Bosch, who has lived freely
and unrepentant in Miami since 1989.
And how did Posada get out of prison in Panama
and return to Miami?
Why, because U.S. Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen and
her two congressional colleagues, Lincoln and Mario
Diaz Balart, wrote to then-President Mireya Moscoso
requesting that she pardon him, as well as the three
others involved in the plot: Guillermo Novo, who had
been convicted of the 1976 murder in Washington of
Chilean diplomat Orlando Letelier (his conviction
was later overturned); Gaspar Jimenez, who spent six
years in prison in Mexico for trying to kidnap a
Cuban diplomat and killing his bodyguard in the
process; and Pedro Remon, who had pleaded guilty in
1986 to trying to blow up the Cuban Mission to the
United Nations.
In August 2004, in one of her last acts as
president of Panama, Moscoso did pardon them all.
Jimenez, Remon and Novo, who are all American
citizens, immediately flew back to Miami to a hero's
welcome. Posada, who has Venezuelan citizenship,
decided to bide his time in Honduras for a few
months, but then quietly entered the U.S. in March.
For its part, the Bush administration did not
criticize Moscoso's pardon or in any way express
disagreement. On the contrary, there was reason to
believe U.S. officials had perhaps encouraged her.
Nor was this the first time Ros-Lehtinen had
acted to free terrorists. Bosch, also accused of
being a mastermind of the 1976 Cubana airliner
bombing, was released from Venezuelan prison under
mysterious circumstances in 1987 and returned to
Miami without a visa in 1988. The Immigration and
Naturalization Service began proceedings to deport
him, and as the associate attorney general argued at
the time: "The security of this nation is affected
by its ability to urge credibly other nations to
refuse aid and shelter to terrorists. We could not
shelter Dr. Bosch and maintain that credibility."
But shelter him we did. Urged on by Ros-Lehtinen
and Jeb Bush -- then managing her election campaign
-- the administration of George H. W. Bush approved
a pardon for Bosch, who has lived freely ever since
in Miami. Meanwhile, Jeb Bush has become governor of
Florida.
And now, just as she has played a key role in
fending off efforts to bring Posada to justice, Ros-Lehtinen
is being touted to be the new chairwoman of the
House Foreign Relations Committee.
Observing all this, other nations cannot but
question the sincerity of the U.S. commitment to
oppose terrorists and terrorism, no matter what
their form. It's more a matter of telling them to do
as we tell them to do and not as we do -- not an
effective argument.
Wayne S. Smith is a senior fellow at the Center
for International Policy in Washington, D.C., and a
former U.S. diplomat with service in Cuba, the
Soviet Union, Argentina and other posts abroad.