A crucial month
for Brazil, Bolivia
and Uruguay
Andrés Mora Ramírez
Presidential elections will be held
during the month of October in Brazil (October 5)
Bolivia (October 12) and Uruguay (October 26). These
elections will add to those already held this year
in Costa Rica, El Salvador, Panama and Colombia –
the results of which, in general terms, allow for
the continuation of trends seen in Latin America
since the beginning of the century. The advance of
the left and center-left, specifically in El
Salvador and Costa Rica (but with relatively weak
presidents given the composition of their respective
congresses and limitations inherited from a
neo-liberal model imposed 30 years ago); and in
Panama and Colombia the ongoing predominance of
right-wing groups divided among themselves, a result
of their own contradictions and disputes, as
evidenced in the case of President Juan Manuel
Santos’ victory over Álvaro Uribe Vélez’s candidate.

Almost 40 million
Brazilians have been lifted out of poverty under
the Workers Party governments.
From this perspective, the October
elections are important since projected results from
opinion polls, especially in Brazil and Uruguay,
indicate the possibility that the progressive South
American leadership, which has predominated over the
last 10 years, may be threatened, or even split, by
right-wing or center-right forces, or by pragmatic
alliances - as for example, in Brazil, with the
alliance between the "Greens" and agri-business
companies in favor of Marina Silva’s candidacy.
Possible victories for the right-wing,
in the coming electoral cycle could have important
consequences on the process of Latin American
integration, and, on the other hand, the
post-neoliberal consensus which, at a regional and
world level, has facilitated the unity of those
favoring a multipolar international system.
In Brazil, given the political cost
of the recent economic deceleration, and protests
against the million dollar investments made to host
the World Cup, President Dilma Roussef is facing the
final stretch of her campaign with between 36% and
38% voter support, while support for her rivals has
grown with some polls suggesting the possibility of
a second round of voting (against Aécio Neves or
Marina Silva) to decide the future president of this
emerging South American power.
President Roussef maintains, as the
foundation of her electoral message, the
continuation of changes initiated by former
President Lula da Silva and of achievements realized,
in various spheres, during 12 years of Worker’s
Party government - undeniable socio-economic, and
above all human, accomplishments, which have allowed
almost 40 million Brazilians to be lifted out of
poverty.
In Uruguay, the Broad Front (FA)
chose as presidential and vice presidential
candidates, two figures with strong historic roots
in the party: former President of Uruguay and first
FA President, Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010), and Raúl
Fernando Sendic, son of National Liberation Movement
– Tupamaros leader, Raúl Sendic Antonaccio. However,
the polls don’t predict a simple outcome. The FA has
lost voter support in the latest surveys (decreasing
from 42% to 39%, between June and August); while
support for the Red Party and its candidate, 41 year
old lawyer Luis Lacalle Pou, son of former president
Luis Alberto Lacalle, has increased (from 27% to 30%
in the same period).
A win in the first round, according
to these predictions, doesn’t seem easy, suggesting
an intense political battle in the coming weeks.

The reelection of
President Evo Morales (left) and his vice president,
Álvaro García Linera appears imminent, thanks to a
strengthening of the Indigenous and Cultural
Revolution being realized in Bolivia. Photo: Efe.
A different scenario exists in
Bolivia, where the reelection of President Evo
Morales and his Vice President Álvaro García Linera,
appears imminent. The polls reflect growing support
for the Movement toward Socialism (MAS) which
increased from 52% to 59%, far greater than the 15%
to 17% achieved by opposition candidate Samuel Doria
Medina.
What is behind this strong support
for Evo Morales? Certainly the radical and profound
nature of changes realized by the Indigenous and
Cultural Revolution, as the President describes it,
above all if compared with the neoliberal nightmare
which preceded his election.
Beyond the limitations,
contradictions and mistakes which the opposition –
and even MAS militants and sympathizers - can point
to, policies implemented by Morales and his team
have allowed Bolivia to make unprecedented social
and economic progress.
Katu Arkonada, a Basque intellectual
who has studied and experienced the Bolivian process
first hand, believes that the creation of a new
post-neoliberal economic model, and its positive
impact on the Bolivian people, are key to Morales’
high approval rating. Thanks to the nationalization
of the country’s hydrocarbons, GDP increased from
9.5 billion dollars in 2005 to 30.38 in 2013.
Under a neoliberal government,
public investment in 2005 was just 629 million
dollars, which under Morales reached a record 3.78
billion, divided almost equally among investment in
meeting social needs, infrastructure and productive
development policies. The minimum wage increased;
urban unemployment decreased; and extreme poverty
was reduced (from 38.2% in 2005 to 21.6% in 2012),
in addition to inequality (in 2005 the income gap of
the wealthiest 10% was 128 times that of the poorest
10%, while by 2012 this difference had been reduced
to 46 times.)
Three countries, three elections,
three possible routes of change in the epoch of Our
America. In each case, the particular conditions
governments face will determine the speed and depth
of transformations, as well as the nature of
political leadership. Each one represents, in its
own way, the direction of a diverse post-neoliberalism,
creative and realistic - today facing the challenge
of once again electorally defeating a dressed-up
right-wing which dreams of returning to the past.
In all their different shades,
progressive and national-popular governments across
the region carry with them many of the peoples’
hopes. Allowing their advance to end now, after so
many decades of struggle, would be a mistake and a
terrible blow to the construction of a freer, more
independent and sovereign Latin America. (Excerpts
from AIN)