KEY ADDRESS BY ARMY GENERAL RAUL CASTRO RUZ,
PRESIDENT OF THE STATE COUNCIL AND THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS AND
SECOND SECRETARY OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF CUBA CENTRAL COMMITTEE,
AT THE CLOSING SESSION OF THE 9TH CONGRESS OF THE YOUNG COMMUNIST
LEAGUE, HAVANA, APRIL 4, 2010, YEAR 52 OF THE REVOLUTION
Delegates and Guests,
Comrades all:
It has been a good Congress, since last October when it began
with the open meetings attended by hundreds of thousand of youths
and continued with the evaluation meetings conducted by the
organization from the rank and file through the municipal and
provincial committees where the agreements were worked out that
would be adopted in these final sessions.
If there is anything we have had aplenty in the little over five
years that have passed since Fidel made the closing speech at the 8th
YCL Congress, on December 5, 2004, that is work and challenges.
This Congress has been held in the midst of one of the most
vicious and best arranged media campaigns launched against the Cuban
Revolution in its 50 years of life, an issue I will necessarily have
to refer to later on.
Although I was unable to attend the meetings held prior to the
Congress, I have been informed of the essentials of every one of
them. I am aware that there has been little talk about achievements
in order to focus on the problems, and to look at the inside the
organization avoiding the use of more time than necessary to examine
the external factors. Such is the style that should permanently
characterize the work of the YCL in contrast with those that tend to
look for the mote in the neighbor’s eye instead of doing what it is
their job to do.
It has been rewarding to listen to many youths directly linked to
productive activities to proudly explain in simple words what they
do, barely mentioning the material difficulties and bureaucratic
obstacles they must face.
Many of the shortcomings discussed here are not new; they have
accompanied the organization for quite a long time. The previous
congresses had adopted the corresponding agreements on them; however,
they have more or less been reiterated, which is proof of the lack
of a systematic and thorough control of their accomplishment.
In this sense, it is fair and necessary to repeat something
reiterated by comrades Machado and Lazo, who chaired many of the
assemblies: the Party feels equally responsible for every flaw in
the work of the YCL, very especially for the problems concerning the
policy with cadres.
We cannot permit that, once again, the documents approved become
dead letter or are kept in a drawer like memoirs. They should become
the guidelines for the everyday work of the National Bureau and for
every member of the organization. You have already agreed on the
basics, now you should act on it.
Some are very critical about the youth of today while forgetting
that they were young, too. It would be naïve to pretend that the new
generations are the same as those of past times. A wise proverb goes:
A man resembles his times more than he does his parents.
The Cuban youths have always been willing to take up challenges.
They have proved it in the recovery from the damages caused by the
hurricanes, the fight against the enemy’s provocations and the
defense-related tasks, just to mention some examples.
The average age of the Congress delegates is 28. They have been
growing up during these hard years of the Special Period and taken
part in our people’s efforts to preserve the main socialist
conquests while facing up to a very complex economic situation.
It is precisely because of the importance that the youth’s
vanguard is aware of our economic situation, that the Political
Bureau’s Commission --considering the positive experience of the
analysis of the same issue made with the Deputies to the National
Assembly [of People’s Power] -- decided to offer the YCL municipal
assemblies an information describing in all its crude reality the
present situation and its prospects. Over 30 thousand members of the
YCL received this information, just like the main leaders of the
Party, the mass organizations and the government at various levels.
Today, more than never before, the economic battle is the main
task and the focus of the ideological work of the cadres, because it
is on this work that the sustainability and the preservation of our
social system rest.
Without a sound and dynamic economy and without the removal of
superfluous expenses and waste, it will neither be possible to
improve the living standard of the population nor to preserve and
improve the high levels of education and healthcare ensured to every
citizen free of charge.
Without an efficient and robust agriculture that we can develop
with the resources available to us, --avoiding the dream of the
large allocations of the past-- we can’t expect to sustain and rise
the amount of food provided to the population, that largely depends
on the import of products that can be grown in Cuba.
If the people do not feel the need to work for a living because
they are covered by extremely paternalistic and irrational state
regulations, we will never be able to stimulate love for work or
resolve the chronic lack of construction, farming and industrial
workers; teachers, police agents and other indispensable trades that
have steadily been disappearing.
If we do not build a firm and systematic social rejection of
illegal activities and different expressions of corruption, more
than a few will continue to make fortunes at the expense of the
majority’s labors while disseminating attitudes that crash into the
essence of socialism.
If we keep the inflated payrolls in nearly every sector of
national life and pay salaries that fail to correspond with the
result of work, thus raising the amount of money in circulation, we
cannot expect the prices to cease climbing constantly or prevent the
deterioration of the people’s purchasing power. We know that the
budgeted and entrepreneurial sectors have hundreds of thousands of
workers in excess; some analysts estimate that the surplus of people
in work positions exceeds one million. This is an extremely
sensitive issue that we should confront firmly and with political
common sense.
The Revolution will not leave anyone helpless. It will strive to
create the necessary conditions for every Cuban to have a dignified
job, but this does not mean that the State will be responsible for
providing a job to everyone after they have been made several work
offers. The citizens themselves should be the ones most interested
in finding a socially useful work.
In summary, to continue spending beyond our income is tantamount
to eating up our future and jeopardizing the very survival of the
Revolution.
We are facing really unpleasant realities, but we do not close
our eyes to them. We are convinced that we need to break away from
dogma and assume firmly and confidently the ongoing upgrading of our
economic model in order to set the foundations of the
irreversibility of the Cuban socialism and its development, which we
know are the guarantee of our national sovereignty and independence.
I know that some comrades sometimes get impatient and wish for
immediate changes in many areas. Or course, I mean those who want it
but not with the intention to play along with the enemy. We
understand such concerns that, generally, stem from ignorance of the
magnitude of the work ahead of us, of its depth and of the
complexity of the interrelations between the different elements that
make society work and that shall be modified.
Those who are asking us to go faster should bear in mind the list
of issues that we are studying, of which I have mentioned only a few
today. We cannot allow that haste or improvisation in the solution
of a problem lead to a greater one. With regards to issues of
strategic dimension for the life of the entire nation we cannot let
ourselves be driven by emotion and act losing sight of the necessary
comprehensiveness. As we have said, that is the only reason for
which it was decided to postpone for a few other months the
celebration of the Party Congress and the National Conference that
will preceded it.
This is the greatest and most important challenge we face to
ensure the continuity of the work built in these five decades, the
same that our youths have assumed with full responsibility and
conviction. The slogan presiding this Congress is "Everything for
the Revolution," and that means, foremost, the strengthening and
consolidation of the national economy.
The Cuban youth is destined to take over from the generation that
founded the Revolution; and leading the masses with their great
strength requires a vanguard that is convincing and that has a
capacity for mobilization through personal example; a vanguard
headed by firm, capable and prestigious leaders, true leaders and
not improvised leaders; leaders who have been through the
irreplaceable forge of the working class where the most genuine
values of a revolutionary are bred. Life has eloquently shown the
dangers that come with the violation of that principle.
Fidel said it clearly in his closing remarks at the 2nd
YCL Congress, on April 4, 1972, and I quote:
"No one will learn to swim on the ground, and no one will walk on
the sea. A man is shaped by his environment; a man is made by his
own life, by his own activity."
And he concluded: "It is by creating that we shall learn to
respect what work creates. We shall teach to respect those goods as
we teach how to create them."
This idea that he stated 38 years ago, and that was surely
received with an ovation by that Congress, is another clear proof of
the agreements that we reach and then do not fulfill.
Today more than ever we need cadres that can carry on an
effective ideological work that cannot be a dialogue of the deaf or
a mechanical repetition of slogans. We need leaders who bring sound
arguments to the discussion, who do not think they own the absolute
truth; leaders who are good listeners even if they don’t like what
some people say; leaders who are capable of examining other peoples’
views with an open mind, which does not exclude the need to refute
with sound arguments and energy those views considered unacceptable.
Such leaders should foster open discussions and not consider
discrepancy a problem but rather the source of the best solutions.
In general, absolute unanimity is fictitious, therefore, harmful.
When contradictions are not antagonistic, as in our case, they can
become the driving force of development. We should deliberately
suppress anything that feeds pretending and opportunism. We should
learn to work collegially, to encourage unity and to strengthen
collective leadership; these features should characterize the future
leaders of the Revolution.
There are youths all over the island with the necessary
disposition and capacity to take on leading positions. The challenge
is to find them, to train them and to gradually assign them greater
responsibilities. The masses will confirm if the selection was right.
We observe that progress is being made in the ethnic and gender
composition of the organization. In this sense, we can neither
afford regression nor superficiality; the Young Communist League
should work on this permanently. By the way, allow me to recall this
was another thing that we agreed upon 35 years ago, in the First
Party Congress; but we left its accomplishment to spontaneity and
did not follow-up on it as we should, even when this was one of
Fidel’s first statements since the victory of the Revolution and one
he has repeated a number of times.
As I said at the beginning, the celebration of this Congress has
coincided with a huge smearing campaign against Cuba, a campaign
orchestrated, directed and financed by the imperial power centers in
the United States and Europe, hypocritically waging the banners of
human rights.
They have cynically and shamefully manipulated the death of an
inmate sentenced to jail on 14 charges of common crimes, who by work
and grace of a repeated lie and an interest in receiving economic
support from overseas was turned into a "political dissident," a man
who was induced to persevere on a hunger strike making absurd
demands.
Despite our doctors’ efforts the man died, something we also
regretted when it happened, and we denounced the only beneficiaries
of the event, the same who are currently encouraging another
individual to persist on a similar attitude of unacceptable
blackmail. The latter is not in prison, despite all the slandering.
He is a free person who has already served his sentence for common
crimes, specifically for assault and battery of a woman who is a
doctor and director of a hospital and who he also threatened to kill,
and later an old lady, nearly 70 years old, who as a consequence had
to be subjected to surgery to remove her spleen. Still, the same as
in the previous case, everything is being done to save his life; but
if he does not modify his self-destructive behavior, he will be
responsible, together with his sponsors, for the outcome we do not
wish.
It is disgusting to see the double standard of those in Europe
that keep a complicit silence about tortures in the so-called war on
terrorism; that allowed clandestine CIA flights carrying prisoners,
and even permitted the use of their territory for the establishment
of secret prison centers.
What would they say if we had imitated them and, in breach of
ethical standards, had forcibly fed these people, as they have
usually done in many torture centers, including the one they have in
the Guantanamo Naval Base? By the way, these are the same that in
their own countries, as we see on television almost on a daily basis,
use police agents to charge on horseback against demonstrators, to
beat them and attack them with teargas and even with bullets; and,
what about the frequent abuse and humiliation of immigrants?
The mainstream press in the West does not only attack Cuba; they
have also initiated a new modality of implacable media terror
against the political leaders, intellectuals, artists and other
personalities that all over the world speak out against fallacy and
hypocrisy, and who simply examine the events with objectivity.
Meanwhile, it would seem that the standard-bearers of the so much
trumpeted freedom of the press have forgotten that the economic and
trade blockade against Cuba and all of its inhumane effects on our
people is in full force and even tightened; that the current US
Administration has not ceased to support subversion; that the unfair,
discriminatory and interfering Common Position adopted by the
European Union, sponsored from its inception by the US government
and the Spanish right-wing, is still in force claiming for a regime
change in our country, or to put it bluntly, for the destruction of
the Revolution.
More than half a century of permanent combat has taught our
people that hesitation is synonymous with defeat.
We will never yield to blackmail from any country or group of
countries, no matter how powerful they might be, and regardless of
the consequences. We have the right to defend ourselves. Let them
known that if they try to corner us, we will defend ourselves, first
of all with truth and principles. Once again we shall keep ourselves
firm and calmed, and we shall be patient. Our history is rich in
such examples!
That’s how our heroic mambises fought in our independence
wars of the 19th Century.
That’s how we defeated the last offensive of ten thousand troops
sent against us by the tyranny, and initially confronted by barely
200 rebel fighters who under the direct leadership of Commander in
Chief Fidel Castro Ruz, and for 75 days, --from May 24 through
August 6, 1958—engaged in more than 100 war actions, including four
battles in a small territory of 406 to 437 square miles, that is, a
smaller area than that of Havana City. That great Operation
determined the course of the war and shortly four months later the
Revolution was victorious. This inspired Commander Ernesto Che
Guevara an entry in his campaign diary that I quote: "Batista’s army
ended this last offensive on the Sierra Maestra with its backbone in
tatters."
Neither were we scared by the Yankee fleet positioned in sight of
the coasts of Playa Giron in 1961. It was under their very nose that
we annihilated their mercenary army in what would be the first
defeat of a US military adventure in this continent.
And again we did it in 1962, during the Missile [October] Crisis.
We did not give in an inch despite the brutal threats of an enemy
aiming their nuclear weapons at us and gearing for action to invade
the island; neither did we do it when negotiating behind our backs
the solution to the crisis, the leaders of the Soviet Union --our
main ally in such a predicament on whose support depended the fate
of the Revolution-- respectfully tried to persuade us to accept
inspection, on our national territory, of the withdrawal of their
nuclear weapons, and we responded that such inspection could
eventually take place on board their ships in international waters,
but never in Cuba.
We are sure that it would be very difficult for worse
circumstances than those to repeat themselves.
More recently, the Cuban people offered an everlasting example of
their capacity for resistance and their confidence in themselves
when, as a result of the demise of the Socialist Camp and the
dismemberment of the Soviet Union, Cuba sustained the fall of its
GDP by 35%; the reduction of its foreign trade by 85%; the loss of
markets for its main export items such as sugar, nickel, citrus and
others whose prices plummeted by half; the loss of soft credits with
the subsequent interruption of numerous crucial investments like the
first Nuclear Power Station and the Cienfuegos Refinery; the
collapse of transportation, construction and agriculture as we
abruptly lost the supply of spare parts for the equipment,
fertilizers, animal food and raw material for the industry, which
caused hundreds and hundreds of factories to be paralyzed and led to
the sudden quantitative and qualitative deterioration of food
supplies for our people to levels below those recommended for
adequate nutrition.
We all suffered those warm summers of the first half of the
1990s, when the blackouts exceeded 12 hours a day due to the lack of
fuel for electricity generation. And, while all this was happening,
scores of Western press agencies, some of them with ill-concealed
jubilation, were sending their correspondents to Cuba with the
intention of getting the first reports of the final defeat of the
Revolution.
Amidst this dramatic situation, no one was left to their own fate;
this gave further evidence of the strength stemming from the unity
of the people that defend just ideas and a work built with so much
sacrifice. Only a socialist regime, despite its deficiencies, can
successfully pass such a tough test.
Thus, we do not lose any sleep over the current skirmishes of the
international reaction’s offensive, coordinated --as usual—by those
who do not want to accept that this country will never be crushed,
one way or another, and that we rather disappeared as we proved in
1962.
This Revolution started only 142 years ago, on October 10, 1868.
Then, it was a fight against a decaying European colonialism, but we
were always boycotted by the emerging US imperialism that did not
want our independence and waited for the "ripe fruit" to fall in
their hands by "geographic gravity." And so it happened after more
than three decades of war and enormous sacrifices made by the Cuban
people.
Now the external actors have exchanged roles. For over half a
century we have been attacked and continuously harassed by the now
modern and most powerful empire on the planet, assisted by the
boycott implied in the insulting Common Position, which remains
intact thanks to the pressure of some countries and reactionary
political forces of the European Union with various unacceptable
conditions.
We ask ourselves, why? And, we simply believe it is because
essentially the actors are still the same and they do not renounce
their old aspirations of dominance.
The young Cuban revolutionaries have a clear understanding that
to preserve the Revolution and Socialism, and to continue having
dignity and being free, they still have ahead many more years of
struggle and sacrifices.
At the same time, great challenges hang over humanity and it is
the first duty of the youth to tackle them. They should defend the
survival of the human species threatened like never before by
climate change, a situation accelerated by the reckless production
and consumption patterns fathered by capitalism.
Today, we are seven billion people on Earth. Half of this
population is poor, while 1.02 billion are going hungry. Thus, it is
worthwhile wondering what will happen by the year 2050 when the
world population is 9 billion and the living conditions on the
planet are more deteriorated.
The travesty in which the latest summit ended in the Danish
capital, last December, shows that capitalism with its blind market
laws will never solve this nor many other problems. Only conscience
and the mobilization of the peoples, the governments’ political will
and the advancement of scientific and technological knowledge can
prevent man’s extinction.
To conclude, I’d like to refer to the fact that on April next
year it will be half a century since the proclamation of the
Socialist nature of the Revolution and of the crushing victory over
the mercenary Playa Giron [Bay of Pigs] invasion. We shall celebrate
these extraordinary events in every corner of our country, from
Baracoa where they tried to disembark a battalion up to the western-most
end of the nation. In the capital, we shall have a popular march and
a military parade, and the youths, the intellectuals and the workers
will be the protagonists of every activity.
Within a few days, on May 1st, our revolutionary
people throughout the country, in public squares and in the streets
that belong to them by right, shall give another resounding response
to this new international escalation of aggressions.
Cuba does not fear the lies nor does it bow to pressures,
conditionings or impositions, wherever they come from. It defends
itself with the truth, which always, sooner rather than later, ends
up being known.
The Young Communist League was born on a day like this, 48 years
ago. That historical April 4, 1962, Fidel stated in concluding:
"Believing in the youths is seeing in them not only enthusiasm
but capacity; not only energy but responsibility; not only youth,
but purity, heroism, character, willpower, love for their homeland,
faith in their homeland! Love for the Revolution, faith in the
Revolution, and confidence in themselves! It is the deep conviction
that the youth can do it, that the youth is capable of doing it; the
deep conviction that the youth can carry on great tasks."
That’s how it was yesterday, how it is today and how it will
continue to be in the future.
Thank you very much.